100 Best Things to do in Ireland

by Jen Miller

Jen Reviews

https://www.jenreviews.com/best-things-to-do-in-ireland/

Often referred to as the “Emerald Isle”, Ireland is a place of renowned natural beauty, with a rich, diverse history that can be discovered through its many ancient castles, historic towns and sea-side villages. Expect a warm welcome from the locals - whose legendary hospitality, traditional music and famous beer make this one of the most charming islands in the world. 

Contents

• 1. Cliffs of Moher (Liscannor)
• 2. The Book of Kells at Trinity College (Dublin)
• 3. Wild Atlantic Way (Galway)
• 4. The Burren (County Clare)
• 5. Guinness Storehouse (Dublin)
• 6. Glenveagh National Park (County Donegal)
• 7. The Blarney Stone at Blarney Castle & Gardens (Blarney)
• 8. Grafton Street (Dublin)
• 9. Killarney National Park (County Kerry)
• 10. Glendalough (County Wicklow)
• 11. Johnnie Fox's (Dublin)
• 12. Muckross House & Gardens (County Kerry)
• 13. Kilmainham Gaol (Dublin)
• 14. Ring of Kerry (County Kerry)
• 15. Rock of Cashel (County Tipperary)
• 16. Castletown House (County Kildare)
• 17. Brittas Bay (County Wicklow)
• 18. Portmarnock Golf Club (Dublin)
• 19. Garinish Island (Bantry Bay)
• 20. Slieve League (Carrick)
• 21. National Botanic Gardens (Dublin)
• 22. Aran Islands (Galway)
• 23. Sugarloaf Mountain (Dublin)
• 24. Bunratty Castle (County Clare)
• 25. Brú Na Bóinne (County Meath)
• 26. Shop Street (Galway)
• 27. Gap of Dunloe (Killarney)
• 28. St Patrick's Cathedral (Dublin)
• 29. Drombeg Stone Circle (County Cork)
• 30. Knocknarea Mountain (County Sligo)
• 31. Dun Aonghasa (Inishmore)
• 32. King John's Castle (Limerick)
• 33. Charles Fort (Cork)
• 34. Newgrange (County Meath)
• 35. O’Donoghue’s Bar (Dublin)
• 36. National Museum of Ireland – Archaeology (Dublin)
• 37. Dunbrody Abbey (County Wexford)
• 38. Copper Coast Geopark (County Waterford)
• 39. Eask Tower (County Kerry)
• 40. Spike Island (County Cork)
• 41. Dublin Castle (Dublin)
• 42. The Dingle Peninsula (County Kerry)
• 43. The English Market (Cork)
• 44. The Little Museum of Dublin (Dublin)
• 45. Mount Usher Gardens (County Wicklow)
• 46. Galway Cathedral (Galway)
• 47. Kells Priory (County Kilkenny)
• 48. Fota Wildlife Park (County Cork)
• 49. Gallarus Oratory (County Kerry)
• 50. Ardmore (County Waterford)
• 51. Atlantic Drive on Achill Island (Westport)
• 52. Sky Road (Clifden)
• 53. Ailladie (County Clare)
• 54. Dunmore Cave (County Kilkenny)
• 55. Barryscourt Castle (County Cork)
• 56. Dingle Harbour (County Kerry)
• 57. Ballyhoura Mountains (Limerick)
• 58. Uragh Stone Circle (County Kerry)
• 59. Phoenix Park and Dublin Zoo (Dublin)
• 60. Dingle Distillery (County Kerry)
• 61. Valentia Island (County Kerry)
• 62. Carrowmore (County Sligo)
• 63. Coral Beach (Galway)
• 64. Cooley Peninsula (County Louth)
• 65. Dingle Peninsula (County Kerry)
• 66. Zipit Tibradden Wood (Dublin)
• 67. Mizen Head (County Cork)
• 68. Donegal County Museum (County Donegal)
• 69. Dublin Writers Museum (Dublin)
• 70. County Carlow Military Museum (Carlow)
• 71. Cratloe Woods (County Clare)
• 72. Malahide Castle & Gardens (Dublin)
• 73. Dunguaire Castle (Galway)
• 74. Cork City Gaol (Cork)
• 75. Lough Gur (County Limerick)
• 76. Jerpoint Abbey (County Kilkenny)
• 77. Cobh Heritage Centre (County Cork)
• 78. Clara Bog (County Offaly)
• 79. The Rock of Dunamase (County Laois)
• 80. The Donkey Sanctuary (County Cork)
• 81. Powerscourt Estate (County Wicklow)
• 82. Áras an Uachtaráin (Dublin)
• 83. Saltee Islands (County Wexford)
• 84. Emo Court (County Laois)
• 85. The Brazen Head (Dublin)
• 86. Night Kayaking (County Cork)
• 87. Dunsany Castle (County Meath)
• 88. Burrishoole Abbey (County Mayo)
• 89. Creevykeel Court Cairn (Sligo)
• 90. Glasnevin Cemetery (Dublin)
• 91. Old Jameson Distillery (Dublin)
• 92. Kilmurvey Beach (County Galway)
• 93. Blennerville Windmill (County Kerry)
• 94. St. Michan's Church (Dublin)
• 95. Moneygall Village (County Offaly)
• 96. Knockma Woods (County Galway)
• 97. The Irish Sky Garden (County Cork)
• 98. The Hole of the Sorrows (County Clare)
• 99. Lambay Island (Dublin)
• 100. Burkes Beach Riding (Killarney)

1. Cliffs of Moher (Liscannor)

With over 1 million visitors a year, the spectacular Cliffs of Moher are one of Ireland’s most famous natural beauties - rising dramatically to 120m above the Atlantic Ocean. On a clear day, visitors are rewarded with stunning views as far as the Aran Islands in Galway Bay and the Maum Turk Mountains in Connemara.

Wildlife is abundant here and you can find Ireland’s only mainland breeding colony of Atlantic Puffins. Take a 1-hour cruise to see these incredible birds up close, along with Razorbills, Kittiwakes and Choughs.

2. The Book of Kells at Trinity College (Dublin)

Ireland’s most prized national treasure, The Book of Kells is a beautifully illustrated gospel book containing four of the New Testament gospels in Latin. Dating back to around 800 AD, The Book of Kells can be seen on display in the grand Old Library of Trinity College, in the heart of Dublin.

Take the official 30-minute tour to learn about the fascinating five hundred year history of the building, delivered by students of the college.

3. Wild Atlantic Way (Galway)

Wild rugged seascapes, winding cliff-side roads, ancient castles and fairy lore - Ireland’s Wild Atlantic Way epitomises the spirit of the Emerald Isle whether you drive, cycle or hike its 2,500km of coastal road. As the longest defined coastal touring route in the world, the Wild Atlantic Way stretches from Londonderry Derry in the north, all the way to Kinsale in the south, with many different itineraries to choose from. Plan your own epic route, or follow one of the three or four-day guides from the official website.

4. The Burren (County Clare)

One of Ireland’s six national parks and encompassing around 250 square kilometres, The Burren in County Clare is home to spectacular rock formations, cliffs, caves and fascinating archeological sites - with over 2500 recorded monuments. Book a one-day hiking tour of the park’s most famous peak - Mullaghmore Mountain - to discover the unique flora and fauna native to The Burren.

5. Guinness Storehouse (Dublin)

Discover the history behind Ireland’s most famous beer - Guinness - at the St. James’s Gate Brewery in the heart of Dublin. From the life of founder Arthur Guinness to the ingredients that make a pint of the “black stuff” popular all over the world, a trip to the Storehouse is an essential part of a trip to the capital city. Skip the queues by joining a 75-minute connoisseur tasting session, which ends in the famous 7th floor Gravity Bar - where you can enjoy 360 degree views of Dublin.

6. Glenveagh National Park (County Donegal)

Centred around the impressive 19th century Glenveagh Castle, the Glenveagh National Park is the second largest in the country, stretching over 16,000 acres. With a wealth of wildlife - including red deer - the park’s many walks, hikes and gardens showcase natural Ireland at its very best. Be sure to bring along a good hiking backpack!

Book a 30 minute castle tour to hear the history of the house and the exotic walled gardens in the grounds.

7. The Blarney Stone at Blarney Castle & Gardens (Blarney)

Visit Blarney Castle and kiss the famous Blarney Stone, which is said to give those - who brave the slight vertigo-inducing position required in order to place your lips upon it - the gift of eloquence, or as they say in Ireland, the “gift of the gab”.

Opinion varies on the exact story behind the myth of the stone - with some saying that it was a gift to the Irish from Scotland in return for sending men to help King Robert the Bruce defeat the English during the Battle of Bannockburn in 1314, while others claim it was brought back to Ireland during the Crusades. Whatever the history behind the legend, famous faces from all over the world have made the journey to kiss the stone - including Winston Churchill and Mick Jagger.

Book a one day tour to discover the fascinating history behind the castle, gardens and the stone.

8. Grafton Street (Dublin)

Indulge in a little sightseeing and shopping on Dublin’s most famous street. Grafton Street not only features world-famous shops but also historical building and beautiful architecture. Now a popular spot for street performers, musicians and entertainers, examples of Grafton Street’s traditional businesses can still be found in between the high street names - including the famous Bewley’s Grafton Street Café.

Pick up a free Dublin Street map from the tourist office on Grafton Street, where the friendly staff offer advice and tips on the best hidden destinations.

9. Killarney National Park (County Kerry)

Rugged mountains that sweep to sparkling lakes, woodlands packed with an abundance of wildlife and hiking trails which lead to hidden waterfalls - Killarney National Park is an area of outstanding natural beauty. Featuring the highest mountain rage in Ireland - McGillycuddy's Reeks - and the 15th Ross Castle, the National Park is best explored by foot. The Muckross Lake Loop, which includes the impressive Torc waterfall, takes roughly 3 - 5 hours following the official trail.

10. Glendalough (County Wicklow)

Stunning scenery and fascinating history awaits at Glendalough - one of Ireland’s most beautiful locations. Home to the Monastic Site with Round Tower, the “Valley of the Two Lakes” has several challenging walks and trails for the more adventurous traveller. Join a 6-day guided walking tour to experience everything this incredible area has to offer.

11. Johnnie Fox's (Dublin)

Experience a true Irish pub atmosphere at Johnnie Fox's, one of the oldest pubs in Ireland. Established in 1798, the pub is famous for its traditional music sessions, storytellers, house bands, dancers and award-winning seafood kitchen. The pub is only about 30 minutes away from Dublin city centre.

12. Muckross House & Gardens (County Kerry)

The 19th century Muckross House stands on the banks of the beautiful Muckross Lake, Killarney. Visited by Queen Victoria in 1861, the house and its surrounding gardens are exceptionally well kept, but it’s the traditional farms dotted around the estate that make this a truly unique experience - transporting visitors back to rural Ireland in the 1930’s and 40’s. Take a tour of the house and then follow the map of the traditional farms to experience life in the early 20th century.

13. Kilmainham Gaol (Dublin)

Now a busy museum, the former prison of Kilmainham Gaol in Dublin offers a fascinating look at the history of some of Ireland’s most famous revolutionaries - including the leaders of the Easter Risings. Book a 90-minute guided tour in advance to beat the crowds and experience what life was like behind bars for the prisoners held, and later executed, here.

14. Ring of Kerry (County Kerry)

The Iveragh Peninsula - more commonly referred to as the Ring of Kerry - is a tourist trail in County Kerry that features some of the finest driving scenery in Ireland, incredible beaches and ancient monuments. Visitors can also experience the breathtaking views by canoe or kayak - joining one of the exciting water day tours that set off from Killarney.

15. Rock of Cashel (County Tipperary)

Holding one of the finest collections of Celtic art in Europe, the historic site at the Rock of Cashel was the former seat of the old kings of Munster - whose ancestors later handed the main fortress over to the church. There are several ancient buildings to explore, including the Romanesque chapel - said to be the best example in Ireland. Book ahead to guarantee a place on one of the 45-minute tours, ending with the stunning view of Tipperary from the rock.

16. Castletown House (County Kildare)

The largest and most impressive example of Palladian-style houses in Ireland, Castletown was once the home of the Speaker of the Irish House of Commons. The famous palace-like building was carefully restored and opened to the public in 1967, showcasing exquisite furniture, decor and artworks from the previous owners. Join one of the free 45-minute tours to learn about the history of the house and the families that once lived here.

17. Brittas Bay (County Wicklow)

Considered the finest beach on Ireland’s east coast, Brittas Bay in County Wicklow is a gorgeous 2 mile stretch of powdery sand, backed by large sand dunes. Home to an array of wildlife, the beach and dunes are a favourite of nearby Dubliners during the summer months. Surfers can enjoy the Irish Sea waves, or beginners can take a morning surf lesson with the local training school.

18. Portmarnock Golf Club (Dublin)

Considered the best golf course in Ireland, and often included in round-ups of the best courses in the world, Portmarnock Golf Club has a stunning scenically setting on the east coast, just 10 miles north of Dublin.

Try your hand on the link’s 27 holes - including the famous 15th hole - before relaxing in the historic club house.

19. Garinish Island (Bantry Bay)

Explore the beautiful gardens of Garnish (or Garinish) Island in Glengarriff Harbour, Bantry Bay. Take the 30-minute ferry from Glengarriff Pier and walk amongst the unusual plants to discover what makes these picturesque gardens world famous. Don’t forget to visit the Martello tower on the south of the island for a breathtaking view over Bantry Bay.

20. Slieve League (Carrick)

Three times higher than the peaks of the Cliffs of Moher, the mountain of Slieve League in County Donegal offers incredible walks and views - including the famous "One Man's Path" track. Take a one-day “Highlander Tour” to experience the outstanding beauty of this area with a safe and trained guide.

21. National Botanic Gardens (Dublin)

One of Dublin’s most popular free attractions, the beautiful Botanic Gardens are a place of peace and tranquility, set in a spectacular glass building. Home to over 20,000 types of living plants, with many more dried specimens, the garden is a horticulturalist dream. Download one of the free audio tours as your companion while you wander amongst the rare plants.

22. Aran Islands (Galway)

The three islands of Inis Mor, Inis Meain and Inis Oirr make up the Wild Atlantic Way’s spectacular Aran Islands - one of Ireland’s most unspoiled destinations. Similar to the landscape of the Burren, the limestone islands offer endless activities for adventure seekers but the best way to explore is by bike. Rent a mountain bike and cycle the 1 hour loop to the prehistoric hill fort of Dun Aonghasa.

23. Sugarloaf Mountain (Dublin)

Dominating the skyline, the Sugarloaf Mountain was once used as a milepost for pilgrims making their way to the monastery at Glendalough. In present times, the mountain is a popular hiking spot, with an easy 1-hour hike to the top, providing stunning views of the surrounding landscape.

24. Bunratty Castle (County Clare)

Travel back in time to the 15th and 19th centuries at Bunratty Castle and Folk Park - Ireland’s most authentic medieval castle. Take a stroll around the charming village in the park, wander the colourful gardens or join one of the daily tours of the castle to find out more about the lives of the people who lived and worked here.

25. Brú Na Bóinne (County Meath)

One of the world’s most important historic sites, Brú na Bóinne contains three passage tombs - Knowth, Newgrange and Dowth. In addition to the tombs, almost 100 other monuments have been recorded in the area, as well as some of the finest examples of megalithic art in Europe. Jump on a day-tour from Dublin to see the best of Newgrange and Knowth, and discover the Hill of Tara and the exhibitions of the visitor centre too.

26. Shop Street (Galway)

Galway’s main shopping street is packed full of stores, pubs and high-street names, housed in a range of historic buildings including Lynch’s Castle - now a branch of the Allied Irish Banks. More of a townhouse than a traditional castle, the building still features an interesting and somewhat grim history - being the spot where the Lord Mayor had his own son hung for violating the law. Join one of the 90-minute walking city tours to discover the secrets of this old-world street.

27. Gap of Dunloe (Killarney)

Explore the stunning scenery of the narrow mountain pass of Dunloe in Killarney. This has been one of the most popular visitor spots in Ireland for decades, and with the option to see the gap by horse-drawn carriage, boat or horseback, you’ll feel like you’ve stepped back in time. Book a four-hour boat and pony tour to see the best of the lakes and the gap.

28. St Patrick's Cathedral (Dublin)

The National Cathedral of Ireland, St Patrick’s in Dublin has been a holy site for over 1500 years. Gulliver’s Travels author Jonathan Swift, who was Dean of the Cathedral in the 1700’s, is buried here – alongside notable churchmen and soldiers. Join one of the 2.5 hour guided tours of the Cathedral to learn about the history of Ireland’s most famous Saint and the building that bears his name.

29. Drombeg Stone Circle (County Cork)

Just east of Glandore in County Cork, the Drombeg Stone Circle is the most famous megalithic site in Ireland. Known by the locals as the “Druid's Altar”, 17 of the recumbent stones survive - reaching up to 2-metres high. Learn the history of the pagan rituals and how the stone age people survived on a one day tour of County Cork.

30. Knocknarea Mountain (County Sligo)

County Sligo’s striking mountain offers excellent hiking and, although not confirmed through excavation, is believed to hold the Neolithic passage tomb of Queen Maeve of Connacht within its mound, thought to date back to around 3000 BC. The one-hour hike to the top is steep, but rewards climbers with wonderful views of the the Ox Mountains.

31. Dun Aonghasa (Inishmore)

One of several ancient hill forts on the Aran Islands in County Galway, Dun Aonghasa is generally considered to be an excellent example of barbaric monuments in Europe. Perched on the cliff edge of Inishmore, the site also offers spectacular views of the entire island. Hop on a one day Aran Bus tour to see the best of this 14 acre site.

32. King John's Castle (Limerick)

Situated on the “King’s Island” on the River Shannon in Limerick, King John’s Castle has over 800 years of fascinating history to discover. After a multi-million euro investment was completed in 2013, the castle now features interactive activities and exhibitions - including a blacksmith's forge and a medieval campaign tent in the courtyard. Book your admission ticket in advance to spend a day exploring Ireland’s most famous castle.

33. Charles Fort (Cork)

Over 300 years old, the star-shaped Charles Fort is associated with some of the most important moments in Ireland’s history, including the Irish Civil War and the Williamite War. Created during the reign of King Charles II, the fort occupies more than 20 acres and is best seen as part of a one day tour of Cork.

34. Newgrange (County Meath)

Considered the “Jewel of Ireland’s ancient East”, Newgrange is a world-famous 5200 year-old passage tomb in County Meath, north of Dublin. A World Heritage Site, Newgrange reaches

85m in diameter and 13.5m in height and is surrounded by 97 kerbstones - some of which feature incredibly well-preserved examples of megalithic engravings. Visit the The Brú na Bóinne Visitor Centre to secure a place on one of the 2-hour guided toursthat leave at regular intervals.

35. O’Donoghue’s Bar (Dublin)

Famous for being the starting point for popular Irish band The Dubliners, O’Donoghue’s Bar has a long and closely-connecting history with traditional Irish music. Well known faces of those who have played the venue cover the walls and the bar is still one of the best places to catch live sessions in the city. Visit at 9pm on weekdays or 5pm on a Saturday to hear the next big thing in Irish music.

36. National Museum of Ireland – Archaeology (Dublin)

Covering Ireland’s varied and fascinating history from the Stone to Middle Ages, the National Museum of Ireland has a range of permanent and visiting exhibitions - from ancient Irish artefacts to Bronze Age gold. The museum takes roughly one hour to visit and is best seen by following the official downloadable floorplan.

37. Dunbrody Abbey (County Wexford)

At 59m, Dunbrody Abbey is one of the longest churches in Ireland, having been built in the 13th century. It is also one of the only churches to feature a full-sized hedge maze - featuring over 1500 yew trees and pebble paths. A one-hour guided tour of the Abbey and the maze can be booked in advance or visitors are given a self-guide sheet on arrival.

38. Copper Coast Geopark (County Waterford)

Declared a European Geopark in 2001 and a UNESCO Global Geopark in 2004, Ireland’s Copper Coast is an area of outstanding natural beauty - with secret beaches and hidden coves stretching over Ireland’s southern coast in County Waterford. Request a self-tour map of the coastal route or download one of the walking trail cards to experience the best of the region.

39. Eask Tower (County Kerry)

Built in the 1840’s to guide ships into Dingle Harbour, Eask Tower is made of solid stone and sits on top of Carhoo Hill - where it stands at 600 ft above sea level. The tower was later used as a look-out post during World War II. Start from Dingle and walk the 8-mile return route for incredible views from the top.

40. Spike Island (County Cork)

Home to Fort Mitchell - a star-shaped military fort dating back to the 18th century - Spike Island lies within Cork Harbour and covers 103 acres. Used as both a defence location, as well as a prison, Spike Island was originally home to an early monastic settlement. Take the short scenic ferry from Kennedy Pier in Cobh and spend two hours touring the island.

41. Dublin Castle (Dublin)

With a complex history dating back to as early as 930, Dublin Castle has long been the centre point of the city. It was the Vikings who originally built a fortification here - taken over by the Normans during the invasion, although it was the English who built the first elements of a traditional castle. Wander around the grounds for free or book a paid-for two-hour guided tour of the State Apartments and Chapel Royal.

42. The Dingle Peninsula (County Kerry)

Stretching for over 30 miles, the Dingle Peninsula is home to a range of outdoor activities and stunning coastal scenery. Explore Mount Brandon - Ireland’s second highest mountain - and take in the view of the uninhabited Blasket Islands to the West. Take a one hour boat tour to meet area’s most popular resident - Fungie the Dingle Dolphin.

43. The English Market (Cork)

Considered one of the best covered markets in Europe, and visited by Queen Elizabeth during her 2011 State trip, the English Market in the centre of Cork has become an increasingly popular tourist destination. Built in the mid-19th century, the market is now a multicultural hub for foodies, but is still most famous for its traditional butchers and fishmongers.

44. The Little Museum of Dublin (Dublin)

Join one of the popular 30 minute tours of Dublin’s newest and most compact museum - The Little Museum of Dublin. Featuring a collection created entirely by public donation, the museum offers an intriguing look into life in the capital over the past 100 years.

45. Mount Usher Gardens (County Wicklow)

An excellent example of Robinsonian-style garden design, Mount Usher is home to one of Ireland’s finest collections of trees, shrubs and flowers. A 90-minute tour by one of the garden’s expert guides is the best way to discover the unmissable sights during each different season.

46. Galway Cathedral (Galway)

The newest of the great cathedrals of Europe, The Cathedral of Our Lady Assumed into Heaven and St Nicholas - most commonly referred to as simply Galway Cathedral - is the largest building in the city. Constructed on the site of an old prison, the Cathedral is now a popular tourist destination and visitors can join one of the all-day hop-on, hop-off historic tours to view this and many more of Galway’s top sites.

47. Kells Priory (County Kilkenny)

The impressive Kells Priory is one of the biggest and best examples of medieval structures in Ireland. Founded in 1193, the Priory has suffered much over the years - including fires that destroyed much of the original buildings on three different occasions. Book an afternoon tour to climb the tower - be warned, the stairs are not for the faint of heart!

48. Fota Wildlife Park (County Cork)

Spread over 100 acres, just outside of the city of Cork, Fota Wildlife Park is the second most popular attraction in Ireland - drawing just under 500,000 visitors each year. From the most recent additions to the Fota family - Asian lions - to the many other breeds of animals and plants, the wildlife park is the perfect day trips for families. Download the Fota Wildlife Park Map for free before you visit or for a more hands-on experience, join a behind the scenes day-trip.

49. Gallarus Oratory (County Kerry)

Still in near perfect condition, the stone, upside-down boat structure of Gallarus Oratory was a place of early Christian worship by local farmers and is believed to have been built sometime around the 6th century. It’s status as a holy place is known throughout the world. Book a place on the popular Archaeological Day Tour to see this and other nearby monuments.

50. Ardmore (County Waterford)

The picturesque seaside town of Ardmore in County Waterford is the perfect place to indulge in outdoor activities. Take a hike along the cliffs, learn to surf on beautiful Ballyquin Beach or try out a stand up paddle board at the activity centre.

51. Atlantic Drive on Achill Island (Westport)

Stretching for approximately 80 miles of the County Mayo coastline, the Atlantic Drive is a stunning route, best seen by car or bike but the area also offers a fantastic range of water activities - including scuba diving. Learn to dive in one day with a Discover Scuba course

52. Sky Road (Clifden)

Winding up amongst the hills of Clifden Bay, the Sky Road is famous for its jaw-dropping views of the sea and the islands of Turbot and Inishturk. Cycling the 17km loop from Clifden is one of the best ways to experience all that this fascinating region has to offer.

53. Ailladie (County Clare)

One of the most popular rock climbing locations in Ireland, Ailladie on the coast of The Burren in County Clare has roughly 170 climb routes - ranging from 8m to 30m. The climbing is considered relatively difficult but learners can start with a Climbing Hidden Tour.

54. Dunmore Cave (County Kilkenny)

Known as the spot of a viking massacre in 928 A.D, Dunmore Cave is a fascinating series of underground chambers where visitors can discover the finest calcite formations in all of Ireland. Spend one-hour exploring this world beneath the ground.

55. Barryscourt Castle (County Cork)

The 14th century Barryscourt Castle is an excellent example of a traditional Irish tower house and is one of the most popular visitor spots in County Cork. Explore the beautiful Tower House Gardens - designed and laid out as they would have originally been. Join one of the free hourly tours to learn about the history of the historic Barry family home.

56. Dingle Harbour (County Kerry)

The charming Dingle Harbour is the perfect place to explore the surrounding coastline and history of the town - having once been a major port during the late 13th century. These days, boat trips depart daily and you can discover the local history on one of the day tours that leave at regular intervals from the harbour.

57. Ballyhoura Mountains (Limerick)

Crossing both the borders of County Cork and County Limerick, the Ballyhoura Mountains offer thrill-seekers some of the best mountain bike trails in the entire country. There are just under 100km of trails to discover, from easy 6km routes to 50km Castlepook loop.

58. Uragh Stone Circle (County Kerry)

Smaller in size than some of Ireland’s other megalithic monuments but positioned beautifully overlooking Lough Cloonee Upper and Lough Inchiquin, the stone circle at Uragh is part of the stunning Gleninchaquin Park. There are many spectacular walks and hikes within the park, including the short mapped trek to the Stones.

59. Phoenix Park and Dublin Zoo (Dublin)

One of the most popular tourist sites in Dublin, Phoenix Park and Dublin Zoo make for an amazing day out for all the family. With an array of wild animals and a focus on learning, visitors to the zoo can book a private guided day tour to discover everything that happens behind the scenes.

60. Dingle Distillery (County Kerry)

Producing unique, artisan whiskey, vodka and gin, the Dingle Distillery has been offering customers independent distilling since 2012. Get a behind the scenes look at how the distillery works on a one-hour tour - where you’ll also be invited to taste some of the drinks.

61. Valentia Island (County Kerry)

At only 7 miles long by 2 miles wide, Valentia is a small island and one of the most westernly points in Ireland. With just 600 inhabitants, it’s a charming and peaceful place to explore - especially by bike. Hire one for the day from Kerry, cycle over the bridge and be rewarded with breathtaking views.

62. Carrowmore (County Sligo)

As one of the four main passage tombs in Ireland, the Carrowmore Megalithic Complex is a popular spot for tourists visiting County Sligo. Join a seven-day tour of Ireland’s most ancient mystical locations to see the tomb and many of the other surrounding sites.

63. Coral Beach (Galway)

Famous for its fine coral, the Blue Flag 2014 Coral Beach is a place of unspoilt natural beauty on the Galway coast, near the village of Carraroe. Perfect for swimming and snorkelling, it is also possible to charter a yacht for the day to explore the local coastline.

64. Cooley Peninsula (County Louth)

A hilly green peninsula in County Louth, the Cooley area is known for its excellent range of outdoor activities - from horse riding through lush glens to hiking amongst ancient Irish monuments. Make like the locals and spend an afternoon with a fishing rod on the calm waters of Carlingford Lough.

65. Dingle Peninsula (County Kerry)

An outdoor lover’s paradise, the Dingle Peninsula in County Kerry ends just beyond the town of Dingle and is thought to be the most westernly point in, not just Ireland, but Europe. Explore the Cú Chulainn trail by horseback on a 1.5 hour trek and be rewarded with stunning views.

66. Zipit Tibradden Wood (Dublin)

Located in Dublin’s Tibradden Wood, Ireland’s second Zipit course allows visitors to swing through the trees and offers incredible views of the city beyond. Enjoy an afternoon spent exploring one of several different routes within the forest, or for those who prefer to keep their feet on the ground, the wood has many enchanting walks.

67. Mizen Head (County Cork)

One of the most popular points on the Wild Atlantic Way, the iconic bridge at Mizen Head allows visitors to cross the gorge below and spot wildlife including seals, whales and dolphins. Follow the route on the Wild Atlantic Way map and visit the old signal station to get a glimpse into the solitary life of the lighthouse keepers of old.

68. Donegal County Museum (County Donegal)

Located in an architecturally beautiful building, the Donegal County Museum was once part of a workhouse, but now showcases a wide collection of artefacts from County Donegal through the ages - particularly from World War I. Book a place on a two-hour bus tour of Donegal to see the Museum and the town’s other places of note.

69. Dublin Writers Museum (Dublin)

Showcasing the works of some of Ireland’s most well known and loved writers, the Dublin Writers Museum can be found in a stunning 18th century mansion. From Yeats to Wilde and Joyce - every important name in Irish literature is here. Time your visit to coincide with the lunchtime theatre and reading events.

70. County Carlow Military Museum (Carlow)

Beginning with a small memorial after the death of a soldier in the town, the County Carlow Military Museum now holds a large collection of military memorabilia - including a large portion of objects handed over by the Irish Defence Forces. Free short tours run regularly and offer insight and personal stories on Carlow’s past.

71. Cratloe Woods (County Clare)

Believed to be the origin of the wooden roof beams found in Westminster Hall, Cratloe Woods are a lovely State-owned forest next to the small village of Cratloe. Follow the one-hour trail loop to see enchanting trees, birds and more.

72. Malahide Castle & Gardens (Dublin)

The beautiful walled gardens of Malahide alone are reason enough to visit the castle - containing over 5000 different species plants. Inside, discover the history of the Talbot family, dating back to as early as 1175, through one of the expert 45-minute tours of the castle.

73. Dunguaire Castle (Galway)

A simple but beautifully positioned structure, on the edge of the water in Galway Bay, the 16th century Dunguaire Castle has been restored to give visitors an idea of what life would have looked like in olden times. For a special treat, book a place at one of the special banquet meals that run from April to October - where you can enjoy live entertainment and local produce.

74. Cork City Gaol (Cork)

If you want to get a real feel for what life was like for Irish prisoners at the beginning of last century, take a trip to the imposing Cork City Gaol. You can wander down the halls and explore the former cells throughout the day, or for those who like a scare, book a private one-hour evening tour to meet the ghosts of the Gaol.

75. Lough Gur (County Limerick)

The horseshoe-shaped lake of Lough Gur has played a crucial role in the lives of the Irish who have lived near its banks for thousands of years. Over 6000 years of archaeology and history have been discovered here and with many walking routes to choose from, join one of the expert-guided walking tours which set off at 11am on Sundays.

76. Jerpoint Abbey (County Kilkenny)

Declared a National Monument, the 12th century, Cistercian, Jerpoint Abbey is a fine example of Romanesque ruins. Guided afternoon tours are by advance booking only but include a fascinating look at the history of the church and the surrounding Jerpoint Town ruins.

77. Cobh Heritage Centre (County Cork)

Located in a beautifully restored Victorian railway station building, the Cobh Heritage Centre gives an insightful look into the lives of the Irish immigrants who travelled by sea to reach faraway lands and start new lives abroad. Visitors can also trace their own family history during their trip to find out if they have Irish roots.

78. Clara Bog (County Offaly)

Clara Bog is one of the largest raised bogs in Ireland and one of the best examples or remaining bogs in Europe. The area is home to many wild animals and birds, which can be seen on one of the private guided tours of the bog or discovered at the Clara Bog Visitor Centre.

79. The Rock of Dunamase (County Laois)

Offering spectacular views of the surrounding countryside, the Rock of Dunamase is an imposing rocky outcrop that has played an important role in the history of the County Laois area for hundreds of years. It’s an easy hike from the car park to the Rock, follow the information board at the bottom of the hill.

80. The Donkey Sanctuary (County Cork)

Animal lovers can spend the day visiting, learning and helping out with the donkeys that stay at Cork’s Donkey Sanctuary and throughout the country in the sanctuary’s rehoming program. It’s free to visit and walk around the sanctuary, or alternatively, you can adopt a donkey during your trip.

81. Powerscourt Estate (County Wicklow)

Voted National Geographic’s No.3 Garden in the World, Powerscourt Estate in County Wicklow stretched for over 43 acres and includes the beautiful Powerscourt Waterfall. A short 6km drive from the entrance to the Estate, the waterfall is Ireland’s highest at 121m.

82. Áras an Uachtaráin (Dublin)

The official residence of the President, Áras an Uachtaráin is also used as a venue for State occasions and has welcomed people including the Obamas and Nelson Mandela in the past. Visitors can purchase tickets for a one hour tour of the main reception rooms, based on a first come first served basis.

83. Saltee Islands (County Wexford)

The two islands of Great Saltee and Little Saltee lie off the picturesque coast of County Wexford and, although uninhabited by humans, are a popular breeding area for many birds. Visitors can take a one-hour boat trip to the island, where they can spot puffins, fulmars and more.

84. Emo Court (County Laois)

A neo-classical mansion with beautiful 18th century gardens, Emo Court in County Laois has become a popular tourist spot, with excellent woodland walks. Follow the 4.95 km Slí na Slainte loop walk to see some ancient trees.

85. The Brazen Head (Dublin)

Officially Ireland’s oldest pub, The Brazen Head in Dublin has been serving punters since 1198. To experience the full history and atmosphere of the pub, book a spot at an “Evening of Food, Folklore and Fairies” - a 2 hours and 45 minute night of entertainment, food and storytelling.

86. Night Kayaking (County Cork)

Experience the magic of night kayaking in County Cork with a 2.5 hour Starlight Moonlight tour on Lough Hyne. Watch the stars, spot native birds and gaze at the reflection of the moon and stars in the water as you paddle.

87. Dunsany Castle (County Meath)

The ancestral home of the Lords of Dunsany - and with the family still living there - Dunsany Castle in County Meath is a wonderful collection of paintings and furniture from the 18th and 19th centuries. Join one of the three-hour walks of the house and the garden to hear about Lord Dunsany and the history of this fine home.

88. Burrishoole Abbey (County Mayo)

Also known as Burrishoole Friary, the ruins of the abbey and surrounding cemetery are situated on the edge of a peaceful tidal estuary near Newport in County Mayo. Cycle or walk the easy “Abbey Trail” for beautiful views of the Abbey and the surrounding countryside.

89. Creevykeel Court Cairn (Sligo)

An excellent example of an Irish Court Tomb, the Creevykeel Cairn dates back to neolithic times and excavations have discovered four different burials within its stones. Drive the short 1.5 - 2 km past Cliffony and follow the signs to the carpark.

90. Glasnevin Cemetery (Dublin)

Holding over 1.5 million graves, Glasnevin is a huge cemetery that offers a unique, and sometimes sombre, look at the changing trends in grave memorials over the last 200 years. Join a 1.5 hour tour of the graves to discover the names and stories behind some of the cemetery’s most visited graves.

91. Old Jameson Distillery (Dublin)

Now a visitor attraction, the Old Jameson Distillery is the original site where Jameson Irish Whiskey was distilled until 197. To get a behind the scenes look at the process, and try a tipple or two yourself, join a guided tour of the distillery, lasting one hour.

92. Kilmurvey Beach (County Galway)

With the type of white sand and blue waters you would expect to find somewhere in the Mediterranean, rather than Ireland, the Blue Flag Kilmurvey Beach is a popular spot on the Aran Islands. Follow the “Ring of Aran” three-hour walking trail to see the beach and panoramic views of the sea.

93. Blennerville Windmill (County Kerry)

Tralee Bay’s most iconic structure, Blennerville Windmill was a main emigration point during the Great Famine. Located within the beautiful Tralee Bay Nature Reserve, hop on-board one of the Guided Nature Boat Tours to see birds, frogs and wetland mammals.

94. St. Michan's Church (Dublin)

Situated on Church Street within the city centre of Dublin, St. Michan’s Church is famous for the underground vaults, where visitors can see the mummified remains of some of Dublin’s most influential and well known families from the past three centuries. Join the Dublin Gravedigger Ghost Tour to find out more about the Church and it’s mummies.

95. Moneygall Village (County Offaly)

The small, picturesque village of Moneygall in County Offaly became famous in 2011, when American President Barack Obama visited to trace his Irish ancestral routes. Follow in the President’s footsteps and visit the The Ancestral Home and see where the Kearney Family lived before emigrating to America.

96. Knockma Woods (County Galway)

Follow the enchanting and mystical Fairy Walk through Knockma Woods, where the easy circular loop will bring you to the supposed spot of the Fairy Fortress. Look out for fairy houses and other (human-made) souvenirs amongst the trail.

97. The Irish Sky Garden (County Cork)

The strange Irish Sky Garden - designed by artist James Turrell - sits within the 163 acres of grounds at the Liss Ard Estate in County Cork. Book an overnight stay at the charming Liss Ard Hotel to see the Sky Garden for free or pay the small entry fee as a non-resident.

98. The Hole of the Sorrows (County Clare)

Often referred to as the “Hole of the Sorrows” but actually named Poulnabrone Dolmen, this neolithic portal tomb is a popular stop in County Clare. Once you’ve visited the tomb, follow the 1.5 hour Carran Turlough Loop to see more of this area of natural beauty.

99. Lambay Island (Dublin)

Ireland’s largest East Coast island is home to a rather unexpected animal - wallabies. The furry animals are thought to have been introduced on the private island by a former owner, and you can book one of the day boat trips from Skerries to see them up close.

100. Burkes Beach Riding (Killarney)

Experience the beauty of Rossbeigh Beach in Killarney, County Kerry, by horseback. Join a two-hour trek through the Curra Mountain before hitting the sand of Rossbeigh for an unforgettable afternoon’s ride.

Just how close was the former high court judge Lionel Murphy

 to the notorious crime boss of Kings Cross Abe Saffron?

‘Murphy was his main man’: the alleged links between the judge and the crime boss Abe Safron

Untangling the relationship between Lionel Murphy and Abe Saffron baffled authorities

whose inquiries spanned NSW politics, sex trafficking and Sydney landmarks 

"People got killed for what they might know," he said.

 "Money was first raised from gambling, then prostitution and then drugs.

I watched it happen.

 You either went along with it or got out.

"The Cross changed when the police took over the drug scene ... the police became the gangsters.

 NSW premier Robert Askin was the godfather and corruption reigned supreme from the dustman to the premier."

https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/sep/15/murphy-was-his-main-man-the-alleged-links-between-the-judge-and-the-boss

From the 1960s to the '80s, Abe Saffron was a leading player in Sydney's entertainment industry. He opened Australia's first strip joint in the Cross and brought out stars such as Frank Sinatra, Lenny Bruce, Tina Turner and Donovan. As the Vietnam War cranked up and US servicemen flooded the Cross on leave, topless go-go girls overtook the strip shows. The Americans brought money, Mandrax, marijuana and heroin. By then Saffron was wealthy; he owned hotels, motels and six clubs, including the Pink Pussycat, the Pink Panther and Les Girls (later the Carousel, where anti-development newspaper owner Juanita Nielsen was last seen alive).

In 1969, Abe Saffron installed Scottish hard man Jim Anderson as his licensee at the notorious Venus Room.

It was there that Anderson shot dead Donny "the Glove" Smith in front of off-duty NSW detectives. The case was no-billed. Ten years later, Anderson turned against him and his evidence to the National Crime Authority led to Saffron being jailed for 17 months for tax evasion.

 If Abe Saffron is a victim in McNab's eyes, Anderson is the villain, "a man consumed by greed and the need for prestige".

Unlike Abe Saffron, who presumably owned eight sex shops for higher motives.

Named in the South Australian parliament as a key figure in organised crime, Saffron was stopped at Perth airport in 1973. In his diaries, police found the name and addresses of a NSW judge, NSW police officers and a future attorney-general of NSW. Saffron's solicitor at the time was Morgan Ryan, Lionel Murphy's "little mate".

 Saffron and Murphy denied meeting but there was no denying Saffron's involvement with deputy police commissioner Bill Allen, whom he met seven times at police HQ. Allen was later jailed for bribing the head of the Special Licensing Police on five occasions.

NCA chairman Donald Stewart called Saffron "a corrupter of police and others".

Shortly before his death, Anderson was interviewed by a University of Technology, Sydney, researcher about those years.

 "People got killed for what they might know," he said.

 "Money was first raised from gambling, then prostitution and then drugs. I watched it happen. You either went along with it or got out.

"The Cross changed when the police took over the drug scene ... the police became the gangsters.

 NSW premier Robert Askin was the godfather and corruption reigned supreme from the dustman to the premier."

Perhaps because of Saffron's litigious nature, McNab did not delve too deeply into his client's darker side. 

Instead, he wheeled out evidence of donations to the Benevolent Society and Moriah College and describes Saffron as a model prisoner.

Whatever may emerge after Saffron's death yesterday, aged 87, in Sydney's St Vincent's Private Hospital, we'll probably never know the full extent of the power and influence that this clever draper's son from Annandale wielded for 40 years over police, vice and politicians of all stripes in the city of Sydney.

Lionel Keith Murphy- former Justice of the High Court Of Australia

Abe Saffron the notorious crime boss of Kings Cross and Australia's Crime Boss who had control of many senior senior politicians, police, government employees, lawyers, barristers, magistrates, judges, justices, premiers, prime ministers, business people and organisations, bankers, financiers, criminal networks gangs and organisations and major criminals.
One of Abe Saffrons control methods was holding embarrassing tapes and videos of such senior people in embarrassing sexual and other encounters ... and other damaging information,which is made public would instantly destroy their career and likely land them in prison with a serious criminal conviction .... Abe Saffron and his even more powerful senior silent partners knew that this was a tried and proven method to keep control of these people .... before such well connected people were allowed to rise to their powerful positions such as a Justice of the High Court of Australia, a premier of a state,a prime minster, a police commissioners etc ... is was necessary to have serious dirt of their private life ...so there is no way they could not obey orders .... from Abe Saffron and his even more powerful senior silent partners

 Former high court judge Lionel Murphy. A 1986 parliamentary commission of inquiry investigating Murphy’s conduct identified 15 allegations. Photograph: Lionel Murphy Foundation

Just how close was the former high court judge Lionel Murphy to the notorious crime boss of Kings Cross Abe Saffron?

That question preoccupied investigators on the 1986 commission of inquiry into whether Murphy’s conduct constituted misbehaviour in office.

The extent of their concern is revealed in documents released on Thursday, 31 years after the commission was terminated without making findings.

The commission had before it two allegations that Murphy had lobbied New South Wales Labor politicians on behalf of companies associated with Saffron in order to win them lucrative contracts. One was for the refurbishment of Central railway station. The other was for the lease on Luna Park.

The allegations were based on illegally taped conversations between Murphy and his friend, Sydney solicitor Morgan Ryan, which had formed part of the Age Tapes reports in 1984 and later led to the Stewart royal commission.

But was Murphy doing it because of his friendship with Ryan, who was known to be close to Saffron? Or was there a more direct relationship?

In July 1986, investigator Andrew Phelan met with Superintendent Drew at the 20th floor of NSW police headquarters to find out.

According to his file note, Drew reassured him that “apart from what [crime figure] James McCartney Anderson had told Sergeant Warren Molloy, no link between Saffron and his honour had come to light”.

What that particular link was is not disclosed. But Molloy, then special licensing seargent in the Kings Cross region, had extensive knowledge of Saffron’s operations. Molloy was overseas and did not return until a day after the inquiry was wound up, so Phelan never got to interview him.

However, Phelan also noted that “we were told that the vice squad had been conducting a lengthy investigation into allegations that Filipino girls were imported under some racket involving [solicitor] Morgan Ryan to work as prostitutes at the Venus Room”.

“It was suggested that Ernie ‘the good’ Shepherd, head of the vice squad may be able to tell us something about suggestions that Saffron procured females for his honour.”

The police also confided that that they were investigating several allegations that had come out of the Stewart royal commission, “including the alleged involvement of his honour, Ryan, Saffron, the Yuens and police in the Dixon Street casinos matter”.

The file on the commission of inquiry’s investigation into the Luna Park lease reveals that the main evidence they were relying on was from Mr Egge of the NSW police who had given evidence to the Stewart royal commission based on the phone taps he had listened to as part of illegal phone tapping that the NSW police had undertaken. They became known as the Age Tapes.

Ryan had been one of their targets and conversations with Murphy had been picked up.

In the early months of 1980, Murphy was alleged to have told his friend that he had intervened with the NSW premier Neville Wran on behalf of the Saffron-linked company to secure him the Luna Park lease.

The government announced in early 1980 that all six tenders were rejected and eventually called fresh tenders. The winner was Harbourside Amusements. In its early incarnation it was controlled by a solicitor, David Baffsky, who was known to act for Abe Saffron, according to the commission files. But later it had Sir Arthur George and Michael Edgley as its public face and Saffron’s nephew as its secretary.

The commission also sought help from the National Crime Commission and the Stewart royal commission into organised crime.

They were sent the transcript of an interview with James West, part owner of Raffles nightclub who claimed that he had met Murphy at Saffron’s place, and that “Murphy was his main man, you probably know that”.

At the time it was wound up, the commission records show it was planning to call Saffron, Ryan, Inspector Molloy and numerous denizens of Sydney’s crime world to give evidence.

Murphy died a few months later. The truth or otherwise of his involvement with Saffron remains unproved.

Abe Safron - The real king of the Cross

Bridget McManus  JUNE 17 2010

http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/the-real-king-of-the-cross-20100616-yf8a.html

BEFORE Bob Trimbole and John Ibrahim, before George Freeman and Terry Clark, there was an Australian underworld figure with a story so dirty and so colourful it could span several Underbelly seasons. The original ''Mr Sin'', Abe Saffron, recently featured on an episode of Nine's Australian Families of Crime and an ABC documentary, Mr Sin, screens this week.

Perhaps his relatively recent surfacing in the current stream of true-crime television specials is because even four years after his death, certain people still aren't talking about the man who ruled Kings Cross from the 1950s.

Mr Sin...Abe Saffron. 

''Police officers in particular wouldn't talk because they feel the story is still alive,'' says the writer and director of Mr Sin, Hugh Piper. ''I really tried with the NSW police force and I can't help but feel I was fobbed off.''

Drawing on the perspectives of Saffron's son, Alan, former attorney-general Frank Walker and journalists and writers who followed the rumours and royal commissions throughout the decades, the film presents a detailed investigation of the dealings of the notorious gangster, to which nothing more than tax evasion (for which he served 17 months from 1987) ever stuck. Using archival footage and photographs, with minimal re-enactments (one is from a Mike Willesee special in the 1970s, in which Saffron associate Jimmy Anderson plays himself being attacked in a nightclub brawl), the film is ''full of revelations'', Piper says.

''We've put Abe into this social, historical context in a way that hasn't been done before. It's as much an insight into the history of Sydney as it is into Abe and into how the police did their work. Underbellytells us a lot of that stuff but this was before Underbelly. It was about setting up all those models of behaviour that in the long run bore fruit for the people who came after.''

Like many Australians, Piper grew up with the legend of Saffron, the son of Polish migrants who brought nightclubs and strip clubs and then world-class acts such as Frank Sinatra and Ella Fitzgerald to Sydney. Melbourne's Truth newspaper ran stories on the scandals of ''Sin City'', which invariably involved Saffron. When Piper moved to Kings Cross in the 1980s, he would catch sight of the ''enigmatic'' Saffron, gold chain glinting through ''a very hairy, broad chest'', and visited his playground, the Venus Room strip joint.

''At two or three in the morning there would be the most extraordinary cross-section of people and naked women walking around,'' Piper says. ''It was a watering hole. The pubs in those days closed at midnight or even earlier and all sorts of people would go to the Venus Room afterwards.''

It was likely the setting of many a deal struck between Saffron and his cohorts, who allegedly ranged from detectives to politicians, union bosses and developers. It was also a hot-spot for wooing women. In the film, Saffron's daughter, from one of his many extra-marital affairs, remembers a devoted father.

His son, Alan, whose book about his father is called Gentle Satan, speaks of the torment suffered by his mother, nightclub dancer Doreen. What isn't included in the film is Alan's claim that Abe had him committed to the infamous Chelmsford psychiatric hospital after convincing police to drop drug charges against his son.

''Alan used to get lots of girls because he was Abe's son and then Abe would turn up at a club with a woman and the doorman would say, 'Your son's down there having a high old time,' and so, in a sense, Alan started cramping his style. Then all of a sudden Alan was busted for drugs and Abe said, 'I'm going to get you sorted out, son.' He was in Chelmsford for a while and he had a lot of electro-convulsive therapy, which I think has had a huge impact on him,'' Piper says. ''There were some incredible stories we couldn't include due to time constraints.''

Bitter though Alan may be at this and the snub he received from Abe's will, he maintains his father was not a violent man but concedes Abe may have ''condoned violence'' by his heavies. The two nastiest crimes linked to Saffron - the murder of anti-development protester Juanita Nielsen and the Luna Park ghost train fire of 1979 - remain unsolved.

''This film isn't glamorising Abe Saffron,'' Piper says. ''It's telling a story that he did create a very glamorous world, particularly in the early years, but by the time he got to the '70s and '80s he'd become more interested in the big end of the town and become a wheeler-dealer rather than trying to create an ambience in the city.

''But still, there are a lot of people with an affection for him and what he represents,'' he says. To put it in a historical context, going back to the Rum Corps, the colony's always been like that and maybe we've always had people like Abe. But I don't want to suggest that Abe is in any way a Ned Kelly figure. Abe was more like an Old Testament emperor: into sex and power.''

Mr Sin: The Abe Saffron Story screens on Thursday at 9.25pm on ABC1 Critic's view, page 38.

Abraham Gilbert "Abe" Saffron

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abe_Saffron

Abraham Gilbert "Abe" Saffron (6 October 1919 – 15 September 2006) was an Australian nightclub owner and property developer who was reputed to have been one of the major figures in Australian organised crime in the latter half of the 20th century.

For several decades, members of government, the judiciary and the media made repeated allegations that Saffron was involved in a wide range of criminal activities, including illegal alcohol sales, dealing in stolen goods, illegal gambling, prostitution, drug dealing, bribery and extortion. He was charged with a range of offences including "scandalous conduct", possession of an unlicensed firearm and possession of stolen goods, but his only major conviction was for tax evasion.

He gained nationwide notoriety in the media, earning the nicknames "Mr Sin", "a Mr Big of Australian crime" and "the boss of the Cross" (a reference to the Kings Cross red-light district, where he owned numerous businesses).

He was alleged to have been involved in police corruption and bribing politicians. Saffron always vigorously denied such accusations, and was renowned for the extent to which he was willing to sue for libel against his accusers.

Abe Saffron’s Early Life

Saffron was born in Annandale in 1919, of Russian Jewish descent. He was educated at Annandale and Leichhardt primary schools and at the highly prestigious Fort Street High School. Although his mother hoped he would become a doctor, Saffron left school at 15 and began his business career in the family's drapery firm in the late 1930s. He enlisted in the Australian Army on 5 August 1940, and reached the rank of Corporal before being discharged 4 January 1944.  Saffron did not serve overseas. Saffron then served in the Merchant Navy from January to June 1944.

Abe Saffron’s Career

Upon leaving the Merchant Navy, he became involved with a notorious Sydney nightclub called The Roosevelt Club, co-owned by "prominent Sydney businessman" Sammy Lee. It is claimed that Saffron began his rise to power in the Sydney underworld through his involvement in the lucrative sale of black-market alcohol at the Roosevelt.

At the time, NSW clubs and pubs were subject to strict licensing laws which limited trading hours and regulated alcohol prices and sale conditions. When Saffron began working at the Roosevelt, alcohol sales were also subject to wartime rationing regulations. A subsequent Royal Commission into the NSW liquor trade heard evidence that in the early 1950s The Rooer being declared a "disorderly house" by the NSW Police Commissioner. After Saffron sold the Roosevelt, it was able to be re-opened. Saffron then relocated to Newcastle; he worked there for a time as a bookmaker, but it has been reported that he was not successful.

When questioned by a Royal Commission about how he had obtained the substantial sum (£3000) with which he bought his first pub licence in Newcastle, he claimed that the money had come from savings he had accumulated from his bookmaking activity, although he was notably vague when pressed about the exact sources of this income.

In 1948 Saffron returned to Sydney and began purchasing licences for a string of Sydney pubs. It was later alleged that he also established covert controlling interests in numerous other pubs through a series of "dummy" owners. The 1954 Maxwell Royal Commission heard evidence that Saffron used these pubs to obtain legitimately purchased alcohol, diverting it to the various nightclubs and other businesses that he operated and selling at black market prices, realising vast profits.

By the 1960s Saffron owned or controlled a string of nightclubs, strip joints and sex shops in Kings Cross, including the Sydney club Les Girls, home of the famous transvestite revue. During this period he began to expand his business operations into "legitimate" enterprises and to establish holdings in other states, such as the Raffles Hotel, Perth, leading several state governments to launch inquiries into his activities.

International connections

The Australian Commonwealth Police alleged that Mr Saffron met with Chicago mobster, Joseph Dan Testa, in 1969, while Testa was in Australia.

Juanita Nielsen Disappearance

One of the most contentious incidents in Saffron's career was his rumoured involvement in the disappearance and presumed murder of newspaper publisher and anti-development campaigner Juanita Nielsen in July 1975. Although no direct connection to the crime was ever established, Saffron was shown to have had proven connections with several people suspected of being involved in Nielsen's disappearance. Saffron owned the Carousel nightclub in Kings Cross, where Nielsen was last seen on the day of her disappearance; his long-serving deputy James McCartney Anderson managed the club; one of the men later convicted of conspiring to kidnap Nielsen was Eddie Trigg, the night manager of the club; it was also reported that Saffron had financial links with developer Frank Theeman, against whose development Nielsen was campaigning.

Expose

In the 1980s investigative journalist David Hickie published his landmark book The Prince and The Premier, which included a substantial section detailing Saffron's alleged involvement in many aspects of organised crime in Sydney. The book's central thesis was that former NSW Premier Robert Askin was corrupt, that Askin and Police Commissioners Norman Allan and Fred Hanson received huge bribes from the illegal gaming industry over many years, and that Askin and other senior public officials had overseen and approved of a major expansion of organised crime in New South Wales.

Using only material that was already in the public domain, obtained from evidence tendered to royal commissions and allegations made by politicians under parliamentary privilege, Hickie devoted an entire section of his book to Saffron's business activities. Among the most damning material was the detailed evidence tendered to the 1954 Maxwell Royal Commission into the NSW liquor trade, which concluded that Saffron had established covert controlling interests in numerous NSW pubs to supply his "sly grog" outlets, and that he had systematically made false statements to the Commission and sworn false oaths before the NSW Licensing Court.

Furthermore, in the second edition of The Politics of Heroin by Alfred W. McCoy, in a chapter summarising the Nugan Hand Bank it is mentioned that Askin and Saffron regularly had dinner together at the Bourbon and Beefsteak Bar and Restaurant, owned by American expatriate Maurice Bernard Houghton.

The NSW Police were unable to effect any substantial convictions against Saffron over a period of almost 40 years, which only served to reinforce the public concerns about his alleged influence over state police and government officials, but after the establishment of the National Crime Authority in the 1980s, he became a major target for the new federal investigative body.

Tax Evasion

In November 1987, following an extensive investigation by the NCA and the Australian Taxation Office, Saffron was found guilty of tax evasion. His conviction was largely made possible by evidence provided by his former associate Jim Anderson, who testified that Saffron's clubs routinely kept two sets of accounts—one set of so-called "black" books, which recorded actual turnover, and another set ("white" books) which were purposely fabricated with the intent of evading tax by falsifying income.

Despite several legal appeals, Saffron served 17 months in jail.  Judge Loveday said on sentencing "In my view the maximum penalty of three years is inadequate."

Saffron undertook a number of highly publicised defamation cases against various publications; he unsuccessfully sued The Sydney Morning Herald but was successful in later suits against the authors, publishers and distributors of Tough: 101 Australian Gangsters  and the publishers of The Gold Coast Bulletin, which contained a defamatory crossword clue.

Abe Saffron’s Death

Prior to his death he lived in retirement at Potts Point, Sydney.

Abe Saffron died at St. Vincent's Hospital, Sydney in 2006, aged 86.

Abe Saffron was interred next to his wife, Doreen, at Rookwood Cemetery, Sydney.

 

Prior to Abe Saffron's death he lived in retirement at Potts Point, Sydney. 

Abe Saffron’s Legacy

In November 2006 the Sydney Daily Telegraph reported that Saffron's son Alan, would receive only $500,000 from his father's multimillion-dollar estate; the article quoted various estimates of the value of the estate that ranged from A$30 million to as much as $140 million. The article reported that Saffron's eight grandchildren (including Alan Saffron's five children) would receive $1 million each, Saffron's mistress Teresa Tkaczyk would receive a lifetime annuity of $1000 a week and the couple's apartments in Surry Hills, Elizabeth Bay and the Gold Coast and that Melissa Hagenfelds (Saffron's daughter by his former mistress Rita Hagenfelds) would also receive a $1,000 a week annuity and apartments at Centennial Park and Elizabeth Bay. Other reported provisions of the will included bequests of up to $10 million to various charities.^[9]

In May 2007 the Sydney Morning Herald published an article on Saffron's reputed involvement in the infamous Ghost Train fire at Luna Park Sydney in 1979, when a suspected arson attack destroyed the popular ride, killing seven people. In an interview with Herald journalist Kate McClymont, Saffron's niece Anne Buckingham linked Saffron to the fire, stating that her uncle "liked to collect things" and that he intended to purchase Luna Park.^[10]

At the time of the fire, the park was being leased to property developer Leon Fink (businessman) and his partner, who told the Herald that he had been stopped from purchasing the park by the then state ALP government of Neville Wran—reputedly because Fink's business partner Nathan Spatt had made derogatory comments about Wran's use of a private aircraft belonging to Sir Peter Abeles—and Fink said that Wran once said to him at a function: "While my bum points to the ground, your partner will not get that lease." The Herald story also stated that a parliamentary report revealed that then Deputy Premier Jack Ferguson had told John Ducker(head of the Labor Council of New South Wales) that Wran had decided that Fink would not get Wran's support because he did not donate enough money to the ALP.

In August 2007 Allen & Unwin published the first major biography of Saffron, written by investigative journalist Tony Reeves, author of the 2005 biography of notorious Sydney gangster Lenny McPherson.

In July 2008 Abe Saffron's son Alan returned to Australia from his home in the USA to promote his memoir Gentle Satan: Abe Saffron, My Father and the publication of the book was widely covered in the Australian media. According to a Sydney Morning Herald report, Saffron's book names former Saffron associate James McCartney Anderson as the chief agent of the conspiracy to silence Juanita Nielsen. Anderson (who died in 2003) consistently denied any involvement while he was alive, but police reportedly failed to check Anderson's alibi that he was interstate when Nielsen disappeared.

In an interview with Herald reporter Lisa Carty, Alan Saffron said that he had received death threats over the book because it would name some of the people involved in the Juanita Nielsen conspiracy, but that he was unable to name all those involved for legal reasons, because some were still alive.

Saffron claimed he could name people "much bigger" than former NSW premier Robert Askin and former police commissioner Norman Allan, with whom his father corruptly dealt to protect his gambling, nightclub and prostitution businesses. Saffron specifically referred to:

... one particular businessman I was desperate to name, and there's one particular police officer who is extremely high ranking. They're the biggest names you can imagine in Australia.

According to the Herald article, all the conspirators are named in the original manuscript of the book, which is now in the possession of Saffron's publishers, Penguin, and that the book would be re-published with additional names after people not originally named had died.

A follow-up article published the next day carried Alan Saffron's assertion that his father controlled the vice trade, including illegal gambling and prostitution, in every state except Tasmania and the Northern Territory, and that he bribed "a host of politicians and policemen" to ensure he was protected from prosecution.

Later in his career Abe Saffron reportedly began laundering his huge illegal income through loan sharking and that the late media magnate Kerry Packer was among those who borrowed money from Abe Saffron, allegedly to cover gambling debts.

The book also alleges that Saffron lent money to several other prominent Sydney businessmen including Frank Theeman (whose controversial Kings Cross development was the target of Juanita Nielsen's campaign) as well as former TNT boss Sir Peter Abeles and property tycoon Sir Paul Strasser, both of whom received knighthoods during Askin's premiership.

The book lends further weight to the long-standing allegations of corruption against former NSW Premier Robert Askin and Police Commissioner Norman Allan. It claims that Saffron made payments of between A$5000 and $10,000 per week to each man over many years, that Askin and Allan both visited Saffron's office on several occasions, that Allan also visited the Saffron family home, and that Abe Saffron paid for an all-expenses overseas trip for Allan and a young female 'friend'.

Later in Askin's premiership, according to Alan Saffron, his father became the "bagman" for Sydney's illegal liquor and prostitution rackets and most illegal gambling activities, collecting payoffs that were then passed to Askin, Allan and others; in return his father was completely protected.

It was reported on 9 October 2011 that Abe also fathered another son, Adam Brand

Abe Saffron: boss of the Cross

He wanted to be a businessman, not a gangster. But most of his businesses were illegal.

Michael Duffy and Bob Bottom

http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/abe-saffron-boss-of-the-cross-20110606-1foud.html

ABE SAFFRON was among the most powerful and successful of our organised crime bosses – and also the most unusual. Most of his money came not from standing over other illegal businesses but from owning and running his own entertainment venues. It just so happened that much of the entertainment he offered, mainly alcohol and prostitution, was illegal. Driven by the need to protect his many establishments, he was a key underworld figure in corrupting politicians and police for several decades.

Two things made him a public figure for most of his life: a memorable 1951 photo of him at one of his nightclubs, shot in fetching manner through the legs of a female performer, and the tag "Mr Sin" attached by a state attorney-general in 1976. These two identifiers were to be run below his name in hundreds of articles and books. He became the public, and to a degree the deceptively benign, face of organised crime.

Saffron was born in Sydney in 1919. By the second half of the 1940s he owned a number of pubs and nightclubs. His fortune was founded on flouting the war and postwar restrictions on the supply of beer and the continuing 6pm limit on sales of alcohol. Saffron would illegally transfer grog from his hotels to his clubs, where it would be sold at night for enormous mark-ups.

This was his basic business model through the 1950s, although he diversified into other areas. He attracted people to his clubs by bringing out top American singers such as Frank Sinatra and made extra money from the prostitution at some of his premises. He expanded into other states and evaded restrictions by taking out most of his liquor licences in other people's names. Gradually, though, much of the profit went out of alcohol as quotas were abolished and opening hours were extended to 10pm in 1955.

A sex addict himself – one of the few prosecutions he faced was for participating in an orgy at Palm Beach – Saffron sold pornography and provided blue movies to cinemas. At his height he had interests in 100 brothels (known for a while as “massage studios”) and 50 nightclubs around the country. In 1960, he opened Australia's first strip club, the Staccato, in Kings Cross, soon followed by the iconic Pink Pussycat and many others. He took over the lease of Les Girls and financed gay clubs.

For the next two decades he owned many of the clubs along Darlinghurst Road, Kings Cross (the so-called “Golden Mile”), and made enormous profits from these and his other businesses, which added to his growing property portfolio. He hid his links to many insalubrious establishments behind a screen of more than 100 companies. His criminal career declined in the 1980s when pornographic videos (and home recorders) and heroin changed the Cross. Yet he was estimated to be worth more than $20 million when he died in 2006.

The extraordinary thing about Saffron is that, although he was engaged fairly publicly in a range of criminal activities for more than 40 years, he was almost never troubled by the police until 1987 when – as was to happen to Lennie McPherson later – he was charged by the federal National Crime Authority. (Compared to the state police, the feds were relatively incorrupt.) He was convicted of tax evasion and went to jail for 17 months.

Saffron was relatively immune from prosecution for so long because he was bribing politicians and police at the highest level. Not only was he doing it on his own behalf but by the late 1960s he had become the bagman for many of Sydney's criminals, who would send their weekly payments to Saffron, who would amalgamate them, take a cut for his trouble and then forward between $5000 and $10,000 a week to both the premier Robert Askin (1965 to 1975) and the police commissioner Norm Allan (1962 to 1972). This occurred for years. Some commissioners who followed Allan also received bribes. Presumably some of this money was paid to these men's subordinates. Saffron also provided many other politicians and police with money, entertainment and sexual favours. This was an extraordinarily comprehensive arrangement by the standard of any big city in the world and yet it covers only part of the extent of Sydney's corruption in the 20th century. There is good anecdotal evidence that many other politicians, police and some judges and magistrates were corrupt, both before Askin's time and to a lesser degree after it. Some of these people will be considered in other parts of this series. The main point is that Saffron, because of his greed, his head for figures and the respect in which he was held by the underworld, was able to put much of this corruption on an organised footing for a very long time.

The extent of Saffron's power is indicated not just by the dearth of prosecutions but the fact that almost no NSW politician mentioned him publicly, even with parliamentary privilege. It was in the South Australian parliament he gained the name "Mr Sin", but locally he seems to have done favours for enough powerful people for the rest not to make waves.

It is impossible to know the full extent of Saffron's criminality. By the end, he was linked to a vast array of activities, including extortion, arson and insurance fraud.

In 1979, a fire destroyed the Ghost Train at Luna Park, killing seven people. In 2007, a niece of Saffron said he was responsible for the fire but later withdrew the claim, for which there appears to be no evidence.

The Costigan royal commission in 1984 found he was involved in drug dealing and the operation of gambling establishments and that he used gambling debts and evidence of sexual indiscretions as a way of controlling men of influence. One in Saffron's debt was Lionel Murphy, one-time federal attorney-general, who had sex with young women in one of Saffron's Kings Cross apartments.

After Saffron's death, his son Alan said: “My father was a visionary and the founder of the modern entertainment industry in Australia, providing fabulous clubs, pubs, gambling and sex to the public – all of which is legal today.” There is some truth in that. Abe Saffron, like Al Capone – another criminal who went to jail for tax evasion – did become wealthy from prohibition. But to do so they had to be thoroughly unscrupulous men.

MAIN SOURCES: The Prince and the Premier by David Hickie; Connections by Bob Bottom; Gentle Satan by Alan Saffron; Mr Sin by Tony Reeves; The Usual Suspect by Duncan McNab; articles in The Sydney Morning Herald by Kate McClymont.

Abe Safron - The real king of the Cross

Bridget McManus  JUNE 17 2010

http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/the-real-king-of-the-cross-20100616-yf8a.html

BEFORE Bob Trimbole and John Ibrahim, before George Freeman and Terry Clark, there was an Australian underworld figure with a story so dirty and so colourful it could span several Underbelly seasons. The original ''Mr Sin'', Abe Saffron, recently featured on an episode of Nine's Australian Families of Crime and an ABC documentary, Mr Sin, screens this week.

Perhaps his relatively recent surfacing in the current stream of true-crime television specials is because even four years after his death, certain people still aren't talking about the man who ruled Kings Cross from the 1950s.


Mr Sin-Abe Safron

''Police officers in particular wouldn't talk because they feel the story is still alive,'' says the writer and director of Mr Sin, Hugh Piper.

''I really tried with the NSW police force and I can't help but feel I was fobbed off.''

Drawing on the perspectives of Saffron's son, Alan, former attorney-general Frank Walker and journalists and writers who followed the rumours and royal commissions throughout the decades, the film presents a detailed investigation of the dealings of the notorious gangster, to which nothing more than tax evasion (for which he served 17 months from 1987) ever stuck. Using archival footage and photographs, with minimal re-enactments (one is from a Mike Willesee special in the 1970s, in which Saffron associate Jimmy Anderson plays himself being attacked in a nightclub brawl), the film is ''full of revelations'', Piper says.

''We've put Abe into this social, historical context in a way that hasn't been done before. It's as much an insight into the history of Sydney as it is into Abe and into how the police did their work. Underbellytells us a lot of that stuff but this was before Underbelly. It was about setting up all those models of behaviour that in the long run bore fruit for the people who came after.''

Like many Australians, Piper grew up with the legend of Saffron, the son of Polish migrants who brought nightclubs and strip clubs and then world-class acts such as Frank Sinatra and Ella Fitzgerald to Sydney. Melbourne's Truth newspaper ran stories on the scandals of ''Sin City'', which invariably involved Saffron. When Piper moved to Kings Cross in the 1980s, he would catch sight of the ''enigmatic'' Saffron, gold chain glinting through ''a very hairy, broad chest'', and visited his playground, the Venus Room strip joint.

''At two or three in the morning there would be the most extraordinary cross-section of people and naked women walking around,'' Piper says. ''It was a watering hole. The pubs in those days closed at midnight or even earlier and all sorts of people would go to the Venus Room afterwards.''

It was likely the setting of many a deal struck between Saffron and his cohorts, who allegedly ranged from detectives to politicians, union bosses and developers. It was also a hot-spot for wooing women. In the film, Saffron's daughter, from one of his many extra-marital affairs, remembers a devoted father.

His son, Alan, whose book about his father is called Gentle Satan, speaks of the torment suffered by his mother, nightclub dancer Doreen. What isn't included in the film is Alan's claim that Abe had him committed to the infamous Chelmsford psychiatric hospital after convincing police to drop drug charges against his son.

''Alan used to get lots of girls because he was Abe's son and then Abe would turn up at a club with a woman and the doorman would say, 'Your son's down there having a high old time,' and so, in a sense, Alan started cramping his style. Then all of a sudden Alan was busted for drugs and Abe said, 'I'm going to get you sorted out, son.' He was in Chelmsford for a while and he had a lot of electro-convulsive therapy, which I think has had a huge impact on him,'' Piper says. ''There were some incredible stories we couldn't include due to time constraints.''

Bitter though Alan may be at this and the snub he received from Abe's will, he maintains his father was not a violent man but concedes Abe may have ''condoned violence'' by his heavies. The two nastiest crimes linked to Saffron - the murder of anti-development protester Juanita Nielsen and the Luna Park ghost train fire of 1979 - remain unsolved.

''This film isn't glamorising Abe Saffron,'' Piper says. ''It's telling a story that he did create a very glamorous world, particularly in the early years, but by the time he got to the '70s and '80s he'd become more interested in the big end of the town and become a wheeler-dealer rather than trying to create an ambience in the city.

''But still, there are a lot of people with an affection for him and what he represents,'' he says. To put it in a historical context, going back to the Rum Corps, the colony's always been like that and maybe we've always had people like Abe. But I don't want to suggest that Abe is in any way a Ned Kelly figure. Abe was more like an Old Testament emperor: into sex and power.''

Mr Sin: The Abe Saffron Story screens on Thursday at 9.25pm on ABC1 Critic's view, page 38.

Abe Saffron: Idiot Jew crime boss evades prosecution after killing seven in Sydney insurance fire

http://theinfounderground.com/smf/index.php?topic=13045.0

May 26, 2007 http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/news...601666851.html

Abe Saffron
Abe Saffron: Idiot Jew crime boss evades prosecution after killing seven in Sydney insurance fire

Abe Saffron: Idiot Jew crime boss evades prosecution after killing seven in Sydney insurance fire

http://theinfounderground.com/smf/index.php?topic=13045.0

 

May 26, 2007 http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/news...601666851.html



Abe Saffron

AFTER almost 30 years of speculation, a niece of the late Abe Saffron has revealed that Australia's most notorious crime figure was behind the fire that killed seven people riding Luna Park's ghost train in June 1979.


"I don't think people were meant to be killed," Anne Buckingham told the Herald. The daughter of Saffron's late sister and business partner Beryl Buckingham also confirmed that - despite years of denials by Saffron - her uncle sought control of the fun park after the fire.

Saffron, who was linked to seven other blazes, was the subject of a later National Crime Authority investigation into the fires. The NCA's final report noted that a Corporate Affairs Commission inquiry had failed to establish that Saffron became the owner, but the authority was scathing about the original police investigation.

While the trails had gone cold, the report stated: "Luna Park, it was alleged, had been coveted by Saffron for over 20 years and the fire in the ghost train had been lit as a trigger to evict the incumbent tenants and gain control of the park lease for himself." Ms Buckingham said her uncle liked to "collect things" and the park was one of them.

When asked if she knew the identity of the person responsible for lighting the fire, Ms Buckingham remained silent. Her revelations emerged during an extended interview about her uncle for the magazine, to be published next Thursday. She laughed nervously when the subject of Luna Park was raised. "The fire at Luna Park - very strange that fire," she said before adding that no one was meant to die.

Ms Buckingham is contesting Saffron's will. Late yesterday she called the Herald to demand it not publish this story. It would not "advance" her cause, she said. She then sent a letter denying she had uttered the words attributed her, although they are recorded in a face to face, taped interview.

At 10.15 on the night of June 9, 1979, flames engulfed the ghost train at Luna Park. Six children and one adult were killed. They included four year 7 boys from Waverley College, Jonathan Billings, Richard Charles Carroll, Michael David Johnson and Seamus Rahilly.

NSW Parliament June 2007: ...Reverend the Hon. FRED NILE: I ask the Attorney General, and Minister for Justice: Is it a fact that Anne Buckingham, a niece of the late Abe Saffron, has accused Mr Saffron of being the person behind the horrific fire in June 1979 so that he could gain control of the Luna Park property? Will the Government reopen the inquiry into the tragic deaths of seven persons who were killed while riding Luna Park's Ghost Train in June 1979, to answer the concerns of their families?

The Hon. JOHN HATZISTERGOS: I thank Reverend the Hon. Fred Nile for his question. The New South Wales State Coroner, Magistrate Jerram, is aware of the recent media publicity surrounding allegations of Mr Abe Saffron's connection to the fire at Luna Park in June 1979. The State Coroner has not received a formal application to reopen the inquest into the deaths. The State Coroner will consider any application for a reopening of an inquest in the light of fresh evidence or facts that may become available. The New South Wales Police Force is responsible for investigating criminal matters. As such, any evidence, if it is available, should be brought to their attention.
The news of Saffron's suspected involvement was met with shock by some of the families involved. "We have always wanted a conclusion on our son's death," said the parents of 13-year-old victim Jonathan Billings, Sydney and Irene, in an email to the Herald. "Even though this knowledge has caused us shock and grief, we shall continue our journey with peace, whilst loving and caring for our children and our grandchildren."

The terrible man prior to his own death in 2006

Quote:
Sydney's Roosevelt Club was where Saffron did his deals, and blackmailed his politician and police clients who protected him and his criminal empire.
Never mind six children dead in the Ghost Train, his copper and politician mates fixed that, check three thousand or so dead at the WTC, and the evidence that says four thousand J's stayed away warned ...the J's buy and blackmail their immunity from the law.


Juanita Neilson

NSW Parliament: The Hon. JENNIFER GARDINER: I draw to the attention of the House the fact that 4 July will mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of the disappearance of Juanita Neilson. On that upcoming anniversary a number of constituents of members of the Legislative Council will be suffering pain and sadness in the knowledge that, after 25 years, no-one has been brought to justice in this matter.

It is hoped that the New South Wales Police Service is still working assiduously to solve this mystery. It is quite extraordinary that there has been no satisfactory closure of this case after such a long period. I think it is appropriate that the Parliament note this sad anniversary.

Quote:
She was brutally murdered in 1975, Saffron who is a Jew, is rumored to have hired notorious hitman Lenny Briscoe to do her in.
Saffron was prostitution king, the Lebanese bombers brought into Sydney by scab Sydney Branch P&D Union boss Izzy Wyner, and placed onto the docks, into jobs that would have traditionally gone to working class boys from Sydney's harbor side suburbs like Balmain, were likely behind the Leb style car bomb that took the life of Joe Borg in 1968.

Kindly “king of vice” bombed...


Joe Borg's slaying shocked Sydney

By PETER McCALLUM ...It was 1950 when a 20-year-old migrant, Joe Borg, stepped off the boat from the Mediterranean island of Malta.

But, where many of his countrymen wasted no time in getting down to hard work in the lucky country, Joe found there was easier money. In the double standards of the day, the oldest profession flourished, but ladies “on the game” preferred to work in decent accommodation and needed protection from males who would skim their takings. The young man had found his niche and his warm generous nature earned him the regard of the ladies who, under his care, enjoyed a degree of security not always available.

Joe’s business prospered, he married, and over the years acquired many properties, some he owned outright, others rented. Accounts of the number he controlled ranged from 14 to more than 20.

But his kindness had to go beyond looking after “his girls”. Police were then expected to eradicate such businesses and had to at least put on a show with raids from time to time. Joe’s generosity had to extend to the police too, lest the raids become too frequent or heavy-handed.

That was soon to be the least of worries. By the mid-sixties, others were keen to join in the lucrative trade. Ironically, the new threat came from Joe’s former homeland. Other men from Malta were jealous of Joe’s prosperity, noting his lifestyle and enjoyment of the trappings of success. They believed he should share this with his countrymen.

But while others had yielded to the demands of stand over gang, Joe was of a different mind. He had put years into growing his business, had accepted including a network of police and even a leading “conservative” politician in the spoils. Enough was enough!

The stand over men were determined. Noting his routine, returning home from his rounds in his white utility at 3 am, in a darkened Brighton Boulevarde, with one man watching, another slid under the vehicle, attached gelignite and batteries to the tail shaft under the driver’s seat, wired it to the ignition, and slipped away.

Joe Borg had only occupied the house in Brighton Boulevarde for a few weeks and was painting the front room with a friend, Ben Zammit. Needing more paint, he went to his utility to drive off. A massive bomb blast ripped the vehicle apart. His friend dragged him from the burning vehicle but, with massive injuries, Joe died in the ambulance... the stand over men had won.

ABC 7:30 Report: ELIZABETH JACKSON: One of Australia's leading crime reporters says Abe Saffron's death will enable the full extent of his criminality to be revealed. The 86 year old dubbed "Mr Sin" died yesterday. He'd been linked to crimes including extortion and prostitution, but in later years he tried to reinvent himself as a legitimate businessman.

But as crime reporter Andrew Rule says, his attempts at legitimacy should not cloud the fact he was at the forefront of organised crime in Australia for decades. Mr Rule says Abe Saffron should not be painted as a romantic figure. He says he was a vicious and ruthless gangster.

Michael Edwards prepared this report.

ABE SAFFRON: I get blamed for so many things, and it's horrible that this should happen.

MICHAEL EDWARDS: That's Abe Saffron in 1978, defending himself when South Australia's Attorney General described him as the principal character of organized crime in Australia.

He was labeled many things in his time; a businessman, a benefactor to charities, but it's the label of vicious gangster that one of Australia's best crime reporters, Andrew Rule, thinks fits best.

ANDREW RULE: When we say, you know, colorful identity and old-style crook and all these things, these are euphemisms, which cover and probably soften the image of people who were responsible, either directly or indirectly, for very vicious crimes.

MICHAEL EDWARDS: Abe Saffron got his start running a nightclub in Sydney's King Cross during World War II.

His clubs were the go-to place for thousands of US servicemen looking for recreation, both legal and illegal.

He eventually established a multi million dollar business empire.

But according to Andrew Rule, Abe Saffron and his colleagues didn't play by the rules.

ANDREW RULE: They ruled by fear. They would collect debts for over illegal activities.

They would used armed people who were willing to injure people or to kill them, to collect debts or to dominate a certain industry, whether it be gaming machines or brothels or strip clubs or whatever it might be.

You know, it's all very much like the Sopranos, really.

MICHAEL EDWARDS: Abe Saffron might have given up using street muscle, but he wasn't afraid of using legal muscle to help with this venture.

Andrew Rule was among many journalists to feel the sting of Saffron's lawyers via defamation cases.

He says his death will enable the real story to be told.

ANDREW RULE: Now that he's dead it's quite clear that people will link him without fear with the death of Juanita Nielsen, I believe.

The Sydney heiress, who was ... opposed certain development in Kings Cross and vanished, most certainly murdered.

MICHAEL EDWARDS: And that's not the only one.

ANDREW RULE: He was also, I'm told by very good sources, responsible for the torching of Luna Park, one of the rides at Luna Park in Sydney, in which some children died.

This was being burned off presumably for insurance purposes. He was never held accountable for that. Again, now he's dead, that's a story that can be pursued.

ELIZABETH JACKSON: Crime reporter Andrew Rule ending that report from Michael Edwards.

http://www.911oz.com/vbulletin/showthread.php?t=5696

=====================


Sydney's Mr Sin dies

David Braithwaite
September 15, 2006 - 8:11PM

Quote

Abe Saffron, one of Sydney's best-known "colourful identities", died aged 86 this afternoon, a hospital spokesman said.

Saffron, who was jailed for tax evasion, died near his former Kings Cross haunts in St Vincent's Hospital, Darlinghurst, a spokesman said.

Abraham Gilbert Saffron  had been living in retirement at Potts Point, an upmarket neighbouring suburb of Kings Cross.

Little had been heard of him in recent times until March this year when he was reported to have "recently' been admitted to St Vincents suffering from pneumonia and food poisoning.

Saffron was the notorious owner of strip joints and other dubious enterprises in Kings Cross who had a reputation for being prepared to do whatever it took to maintain his market dominance.

He was named adversely by various royal commissions and inquiries going back to 1951, and was ultimately jailed for tax fraud.

He took umbrage at being included in a book titled Tough: 101 Australian Gangsters, and claims he was defamed by being called a crime boss and "Mr Sin".

A NSW Supreme Court jury found the two crime writers guilty of defaming him by describing him as crime boss.

A four-man jury found the authors had defamed Mr Saffron when they described him as a "completely depraved" gangster.

The jurors also found claims he had an Australia-wide reputation as a crime boss and offered bribes to police were defamatory.

Claims Mr Saffron was arrested and jailed by the National Crime Authority for tax evasion worth millions of dollars also defamed him, they found.

But the jurors decided Mr Saffron was not defamed by information that police knew him as Mr Sin, that he once whipped a girl at a party and could have torched six of his own nightclubs for the insurance payouts.

In an article in the Herald last year publisher Richard Walsh wrote that Mr Saffron had tried to rehabilitate his reputation in his later years.

Commenting on The Usual Suspect, a biography by former NSW detective Duncan McNab published last year, Mr Walsh wrote:
"The other Abe is a part-time philanthropist, who worked with noble commercial energy to put food in his children's mouths and was tragically misjudged by the world at large,'' he said.

In his review of The Usual Suspects, former criminal lawyer and friend Howard Hilton described Mr Saffron as "one of the most investigated men in Australia''.

"Abraham Gilbert Saffron was born in 1919 to Russian Jewish parents who kept a drapery shop in Annandale,'' he said.

"His mother wanted him to be a doctor but Abe demurred: university was not for him and for a while he worked in the family business.

"He quickly discovered his metier, which was the hotel and entertainment industry.

"He started buying hotels in partnership with family and friends and, fascinated by show business and show girls, started the Roosevelt Club in Orwell Street.

"It quickly became the place to go and many other clubs followed - the Pink Pussy Cat, Les Girls and the Carousel.

"His property empire grew and he became a wealthy man.''

Mr Saffron's jailing for 17 months for tax evasion was due to "perjured evidence'' from a former partner, Mr Hilton wrote.

"Saffron is one of the most investigated men in Australia. Few could survive such scrutiny,'' he said.

"State police forces, the National Crime Authority, the Federal Police, parliamentary inquiries and investigative journalists have all put him under the glass and have not managed to find anything of real consequence.''

AAP adds: A property developer born in the inner western Sydney suburb of Annandale on October 6, 1919, Abe Saffron rose to prominence in the 1940s when he bought the famous Roosevelt Club in Kings Cross - before the area became mired in seedier depths.

He quickly developed a reputation as an entrepreneur who introduced glamour, and Hollywood-style sophistication to Sydney.

But following a royal commission into Sydney's after-hours liquor trade in the 1950s, Mr Saffron was variously referred to as Mr Sin, Mr Big, the Big Man, Gomorrah Himself and the Boss of The Cross.

He gained a level of notoriety following allegations that he had corrupted police and politicians, owned brothels, trafficked in drugs and was somehow involved in the disappearance of Sydney publisher and Mark Foys heiress Juanita Nielsen.

Mr Saffron denied all the claims - and wasted no time resorting to legal action against those bold enough to publish them.

Nevertheless, he was accused of being an underworld figure by politicians in six Australian parliaments as well as judges, magistrates and lawyers in numerous courts.

Mr Saffron, who was educated at the highly-regarded Fort Street High School in Sydney's inner-west, responded to all such claims with the same rejoinder - he was one of Australia's most successful self-made men, a devoted father and grandfather and a man with a long history of charitable works

However, the law did catch up with him once. In November 1987, a Sydney court found him guilty of tax evasion and, despite several legal appeals, he served two years and six months.

In sentencing him, the presiding judge said "in my view the maximum penalty of three years is inadequate".

Throughout the 1960s, he was frequently the focus of police and media attention due to his Kings Cross links, and gained further notoriety in the 1970s following Ms Nielsen's disappearance.

In July 1975, shortly before she disappeared, Ms Nielsen had visited Mr Saffron's Carousel Club in Kings Cross to discuss advertising for the club in her newspaper, Now.

Ms Nielsen's paper had been vigorously campaigning against a proposed $40 million building development in Victoria Street, near the heart of the Cross.

There were also claims she was working on an expose about vice, corruption and illegal gambling in the Cross.

The Carousel was managed by Cross standover man James Anderson, who was known as Mr Saffron's principal offsider, and Ms Nielsen had been invited there by Edward Trigg, an employee of the club.

James Anderson has long been considered a prime suspect in Ms Nielsen's disappearance, although he protested his innocence right up until his death in 2003.

In late 1977, Trigg and two other employees at the Carousel Club were arrested and charged with conspiring to kidnap Ms Nielsen. Trigg was imprisoned for three years, one other man was imprisoned for two years and a third was acquitted.

In 1983, a coronial inquiry determined that Ms Nielsen had probably been killed, although there was insufficient evidence on how she died or who killed her.

The inquest did note that police corruption may have crippled the investigation into her death.

A joint committee of Federal Parliament in 1994 also concluded that corruption had impeded the police investigation.

Mr Saffron was never a suspect in the investigations into Ms Nielsen's disappearance.

Whatever is said or written about Abe Saffron, he will be remembered as of one of Sydney's most successful and controversial businessmen.

http://www.smh.com.au/news/national/syd ... 45527.html

The Man who paid Sydney's pipers

    * Abe Saffron was a criminal who wielded unmeasured power over politicians and police, writes John Dale
    * From: The Australian
    * September 16, 2006 12:00AM

Quote

BORN in Sydney's inner west in 1919, Abraham Gilbert Saffron was the fourth child of a draper and mercer of Russian-Jewish stock. He was educated at Sydney's Fort Street High School, and his first brush with the law occurred at 19 when he was caught acting as a runner for an SP bookie.

Two years later he was charged with receiving six stolen car radios and was given a six-month suspended sentence. In 1946 he acquired the lease on the West End hotel in Balmain and started acquiring shares with silent partners in five more hotels across Sydney before purchasing his first piece of Kings Cross real estate.

The Roosevelt nightclub at 32 OrwellSt became the most glamorous nightspot in the country, frequented by entertainers, politicians, socialites, gangsters and US servicemen. Topless showgirls were allowed on stage provided they remained perfectly still.

In 1951, Saffron appeared at a royal commission into the liquor industry and was charged with lying under oath about his dummy partnerships and the supply of liquor to the Roosevelt. To bypass licensing laws, the entrepreneurial Saffron had patrons ring ahead to order their bottled beer before the six o'clock closing so waiters could supply them legally when they arrived. The fallout from the commission affected the Roosevelt's reputation and two years later it was declared a disorderly house.

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Saffron's reputation suffered further damage when he was charged in 1956 with committing an unnatural act with a woman and of scandalous conduct at a house in Palm Beach. Why Jean, a robustly built country girl, pressed charges is not clear. The case failed, but details of Saffron's fur-covered whip and the six banned books found in his apartment (including Marquis de Sade's 120 Days of Sodom) provided juicy tabloid headlines. The prosecutor described Saffron as completely depraved.

However, there was a departure last year from the usual depictions of Saffron. Duncan McNab, a former policeman and author of The Usual Suspect: The Life of Abe Saffron (Macmillan), in which he asserts that the saucy events above would barely raise an eyebrow today.

McNab's book is a social history, and an enjoyable one, detailing Sydney's evolving nightclub industry. There is no attempt to criticise, expose or probe deeply Saffron's complex character. There are no interviews with those closest to him: his loyal wife, Doreen, who died in 1999; his son Alan, who lives in the US; or his long-term mistress, Rita Hagenfelds, a former Tivoli dancer and mother of his second child. McNab's sources are mainly newspaper clippings, some colourful characters and Saffron's staff, whom he acknowledges. The author met his subject only briefly: "Saffron smiled, was charming and didn't say much at all."

It is apparent McNab has a sneaking admiration for the man referred to for decades as the Boss of the Cross. Yes, Saffron sold sly grog; yes, he was involved in properties where prostitution occurred; and, yes, he "told a few fibs", but he "contributed to charitable organisations all his life".

But when Saffron appeared at a coronial inquiry into four suspicious fires at eastern suburbs brothels, a radio 2JJJ reporter described him as "a short pudgy bloke ... with a thick gold bangle on his right hand and a nice little gold ring on his left pinky".

The coroner ruled there was a prima facie case and referred it to the attorney-general, who declined to prosecute.

From the 1960s to the '80s, Saffron was a leading player in Sydney's entertainment industry. He opened Australia's first strip joint in the Cross and brought out stars such as Frank Sinatra, Lenny Bruce, Tina Turner and Donovan. As the Vietnam War cranked up and US servicemen flooded the Cross on leave, topless go-go girls overtook the strip shows. The Americans brought money, Mandrax, marijuana and heroin. By then Saffron was wealthy; he owned hotels, motels and six clubs, including the Pink Pussycat, the Pink Panther and Les Girls (later the Carousel, where anti-development newspaper owner Juanita Nielsen was last seen alive).

In 1969, Saffron installed Scottish hard man Jim Anderson as his licensee at the notorious Venus Room. It was there that Anderson shot dead Donny "the Glove" Smith in front of off-duty NSW detectives. The case was no-billed. Ten years later, Anderson turned against him and his evidence to the National Crime Authority led to Saffron being jailed for 17 months for tax evasion. If Saffron is a victim in McNab's eyes, Anderson is the villain, "a man consumed by greed and the need for prestige". Unlike Saffron, who presumably owned eight sex shops for higher motives.

Named in the South Australian parliament as a key figure in organised crime, Saffron was stopped at Perth airport in 1973. In his diaries, police found the name and addresses of a NSW judge, NSW police officers and a future attorney-general of NSW. Saffron's solicitor at the time was Morgan Ryan, Lionel Murphy's "little mate". Saffron and Murphy denied meeting but there was no denying Saffron's involvement with deputy police commissioner Bill Allen, whom he met seven times at police HQ. Allen was later jailed for bribing the head of the Special Licensing Police on five occasions. NCA chairman Donald Stewart called Saffron "a corrupter of police and others".

Shortly before his death, Anderson was interviewed by a University of Technology, Sydney, researcher about those years.

 "People got killed for what they might know," he said.

 "Money was first raised from gambling, then prostitution and then drugs. I watched it happen. You either went along with it or got out.

"The Cross changed when the police took over the drug scene ... the police became the gangsters.

 NSW premier Robert Askin was the godfather and corruption reigned supreme from the dustman to the premier."

Perhaps because of Saffron's litigious nature, McNab did not delve too deeply into his client's darker side.

Instead, he wheeled out evidence of donations to the Benevolent Society and Moriah College and describes Saffron as a model prisoner.

Whatever may emerge after Saffron's death yesterday, aged 87, in Sydney's St Vincent's Private Hospital, we'll probably never know the full extent of the power and influence that this clever draper's son from Annandale wielded for 40 years over police, vice and politicians of all stripes in the city of Sydney.

This is an edited version of a story that appeared in The Weekend Australian Review on September 10, 2005

http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/fe ... 1112219502

After the Revolution of 1905, the Czar had prudently prepared for further outbreaks by transferring some $400 million in cash to the New York banks, Chase, National City, Guaranty Trust, J.P.Morgan Co., and Hanover Trust. In 1914, these same banks bought the controlling number of shares in the newly organized Federal Reserve Bank of New York, paying for the stock with the Czar\'s sequestered funds. In November 1917,  Red Guards drove a truck to the Imperial Bank and removed the Romanoff gold and jewels. The gold was later shipped directly to Kuhn, Loeb Co. in New York.-- Curse of Canaan

Re: Abe Saffron: Idiot Jew crime boss evades prosecution after killing seven in Sydney insurance fir

« Reply #1 on: December 08, 2010, 02:48:55 PM »

Churchill And The Sayanim Network


Churchill's Mother Was Jenny Jacobson

Churchill And Roosevelt Were The Main Factors In WW2

They egged Poland into killing German nationals and provoking Hitler

Churchill's Daughter Arabella

Arabella Has A Son, Jacob Barton

Jake Is Now 34, And Charged With Ecstasy Peddling

It Turns Out Jacob Is A Major Dealer

    Jacob Churchill Barton who is an Australian, is said to be a major ecstasy dealer, and was caught with $12 million in tablets. Gerard Woodgate was his accomplice.

    The Australian ecstasy market was controlled by an Israeli, Abe Saffron, and there is no way you become a dealer without an invitation. The Zionist Sayanim network says if you are loyal to international Jewry, than you come under their umbrella. Jacob was given this ecstasy franchise because of the network.

    The sayanim's code is to always favor another Jewish person in any transaction. It could be a admission to a college, a job opportunity, a government contract, student loans getting erased. Have no doubt the network will pull all stops to protect young Churchill. [4]

Abe Saffron Was Consider 'Mr. Sydney'

Abe, who recently passed on, is alleged to have been Australia's 'Don of Dons'

Australia's Most Notorious Gangster

A Younger Abe Saffron

Abe Was Based Out Of Sydney

Sydney, Australia Is Considered The Ninth Best City In The World

Abraham's Empire has been based here for sixty years

Abe Died Last Month And All Of Australia Feels The Loss

Sid Berman escorts Lenore Fanning (nee Lennie Feldman), to mourn Abe

What Is The Story Here?

    A Jewish gangster who has controlled Australia's crime, politics, and police for sixty years, has passed on. When the 'Kingpin' dies at 86, in Israel, Australia's newspapers go into hyper drive to lionize Abe.

    Australian History

    In January of 1788 Port Jackson was established by Captain Phillip. In 1850 there was the Eureka gold rush, and with it came the immigration of Australia initial Jewish traders.

    They built the Great Sydney Synagogue in 1878. In 1973 Jewish interests abolished White Australia policy, encouraging multiculturalism.

    In 2001 the same group passed sweeping gun control over the 'Port Arthur' incident. Detailed history

   
   

    Who Was Abe Saffron?

    Saffron was born in Sydney in 1919, and by 1940 he was running clubs for visiting servicemen. Mr Big of Australian crime. By 1950 he owned the West End Hotel, Westdale Hotel, Cumberland, Gladstone and Albert Hotels. He had been arrested on theft, liquor infractions, 1952 perjury, tax evasion, etc. His greatest sin was the corruption of police, politicians, and perhaps even the moral fabric of Australian society.


    His roots were in Kings Cross, Sydney's red light district. He had interests in hotels, nightclubs, restaurants, casinos, a sex shop, adult movie clubs and development and finance companies, and drugs. In November 1987, Saffron was found guilty of tax evasion and despite several legal appeals, he served 17 months in jail.

    This paper says his tentacles reached into all the various unions, Painters, Dockers Union, Service Employees, Truckers, etc. Reporters say he even torched six of his own nightclubs for the insurance payouts.

    Saffron Was Accused Of Whipping A Girl

    Reporters said he whipped a girl half to death at a sex party. He was arrested in a raid on Palm Beach, and the police prosecutor said, Saffron's private morality is sexually depraved.

   Lived Like Royalty

    Saffron lived in Sydney's most exclusive neighborhood, the Vaucluse. Whenever he was refereed to as a Jewish mobster, he either sued, or had his thugs threaten the reporter. His body guards were Mossad.

    His Specialty Was 'The Fix'

    Just how does a 'Greasy Jewish Gangster' get away with whore houses, gambling, union corruption, bribery, etc. His corruption reached to the top levels of Australian politics. That is one interpretation of how Saffron was able to repeatedly beat charges in court.



    Getting Away With Murder

    Saffron was believed to have orchestrated the killing of the Mark Foys retailing Heiress, J. Alicia Nielsen. She was an editor of the Kings Cross newspaper, which did countless articles exposing Saffron.

    The Aussie papers called her an ideologue, buried the story on page three, below an article about two kangaroos run over on highway 10. Australians said nothing about this snake called Abe.


Abe's new image

    Building An Image

    Now that Abe is dead, his fellow Jews want his image rebuilt. No longer will Abe be referred to as a 'Crime Boss', a pimp, bootlegger, an alleged drug kingpin.

    Now Abe is a family man, a hotelier, a businessman, who charity work included a college wing. Australian papers, under the Jewish Robert Murdoch stewardship, have set a course for redemption.

Murdoch


    Burial In A Military Cemetery?

    Australian Jewish leaders are now suggesting that he be buried at military cemetery. Their claim is he served in the Australian Army in 1943, saw battle action, and preformed heroically.


    Make Room For Abe

    Wouldn't that be special, burying this 'Pile of Garbage' next to real heroes, like Capt Dunton.


What Is Abraham's Legacy To Australia

    Maybe, now that Saffron is dead, all of Australia's drug, prostitution, gambling, extortion, etc will stop?

Not hardly, Australia's $2 billion drug market is not going away.

Abe is not giving his hotels, gambling interests, prostitution rings, to some needy aborigines.

    No, this empire will continued to be run by the Australia's Jewish Mafia

http://thisiszionism.blogspot.com/2008/ ... twork.html

mchawe

Re: Abe Saffron: Idiot Jew crime boss evades prosecution after killing seven in Sydney insurance fir

« Reply #2 on: December 08, 2010, 04:06:36 PM »

Australia. 
Same as everywhere else.
Both major political parties, the ALP and the Lib/Nat Coalition, both fell all over themselves in the last Gen. Election to show how much they support Israel. Sickening !

Growing up with Mister Sin

Sydney's unrivalled king of vice Abe Saffron led a double life that had a traumatic effect on his long-suffering wife Doreen and family, writes son ALAN SAFFRON in this exclusive extract from his new book. She knew that my father was a scoundrel and a playboy.

JULY 27 2008

http://www.smh.com.au/national/growing-up-with-mister-sin-20080727-3ll2.html

My mum Doreen believed my coming into the world in March 1949 would make my father settle down. No such luck. I became the cheese between two slices of bread, as my mother's favourite saying went.

By 1950, Abe Saffron's Roosevelt in Kings Cross was the most successful and infamous club in Australia. It brought a touch of Hollywood to town, with wonderfully produced shows the likes of which had not been seen in Sydney. The club became the most important stop for Sydney's elite, including politicians, high-ranking police and judges. Early photos show Australia's high society in attendance, the men dressed in double-breasted suits and hats and the ladies in lovely evening gowns and furs. It was all glitz and glamour.

My father employed many interesting characters, including doormen and bouncers who were great boxers or nefarious types who became underworld figures, such as "Chopper" Read, who became notorious as a standover man. Kings Cross was also the home of several illegal baccarat games, after-hours bars and brothels, where police actively took a percentage of the action from many individual operators.

My father had an ingenious solution to the problem of the prohibition of the sale of alcohol after 6pm: have the Roosevelt patrons place their order before the deadline and serve them their drinks later. As the local police turned a blind eye, the result was the creation of the most corrupt state in Australia.

It was at this time that my father began exploring two other appealing vices he could add to booze in the Cross: sex and gambling. Ultimately, the three together would become the linchpins of his growing empire. On his deathbed, he told me he had a financial interest in two illegal baccarat games in the Roosevelt days, and had begun to co-ordinate prostitution in several rented apartments, for which he took a cut.

My father was foremost a businessman and he gained a reputation of trust and discretion among the nation's corrupt police, politicians and judges through his operation of the Roosevelt, which was where they were entertained. His reputation for silence was one of his main assets and he also rarely asked for favours - it was understood that the authorities would not disturb his operations. They recognised in my father someone who could be a staunch, trustworthy ally in their illegal vice activities, and who would help them make money on the side.

He not only appealed to the greed of the many officials he befriended, but also served their appetite for more earthly pleasures, providing them with sex orgies.

Away from their wives, they enjoyed the unbelievable entertainment and substantial cash rewards of dealing with my father, and in turn, they protected him.

My father was silent to outsiders and never said what was on his mind. But he was a great listener and could remember whatever was said with a photographic memory. He could repeat it word for word, recalling dates and times with complete accuracy. I guess this helped with his cash dealings.

By my second birthday, in 1951 - which I celebrated at the Roosevelt surrounded by 30 kids, with a huge cake with sparklers - my father's net had spread. He now controlled five pubs, operating behind family members, and the club.

He was charged with running several illegal games of baccarat, a favourite with the elite of Sydney, but to no avail. All charges were dismissed. He was way too clever to be caught.

The truth behind the headlines declaring my dad's underworld status is of a quiet man who made money from the decadence of the establishment. He never aimed to be the No.1 crime boss. Later, his brilliant abilities and the authorities' growing desire for one "godfather" put him in a position of enormous power.

My father insisted on absolute control in the family - Mum never got a driver's licence or a car until I was in my teens because he felt he would lose control over her in some way. He also didn't think it was appropriate for a woman to drive. In the early days, she had to rely on buses, or being picked up by one of my father's employees and taken wherever she needed to go, including the club. When he eventually weakened and she got her licence, he bought her a second-hand car, which he bargained for - it was forbidden to buy a new one, so my kids, his employees and I would always drive one of his old cars. She didn't even have a chequebook in the early days and was very careful with money, even making her own clothes. She was my primary care giver because my father was only home three nights a week. His excuse was simple: he had to run his businesses and support the family. Throughout my growing up, I was confused as to why my father was rarely at home, and even as I got older I could never understand my mother's blind devotion to him.

My mother's friends from the Roosevelt would tell her how generous my father was to his many girlfriends and mistresses, and how they would spend a fortune of his money on clothes.

Doreen was a country girl; a sweet, fun, classy, young wife. She never married him for his money; she loved him as a soulmate, her one great love. Even when I was a child, she knew that my father was a scoundrel and a playboy. He was a sinful man with no moral character, but she kept hoping he would change. I would often fall asleep to her crying.

My earliest memory, aged four, is of my father putting me in his convertible and driving me around Kings Cross on his errands. I never got dirty as a child - I was not allowed - and was treated as a little gentleman. I remember feeling that I was on display. I also remember police officers on the street saying hello to Dad with what I soon learned to be great respect and fear. No matter where he went, everyone knew him.

As a child, I was never allowed to go to my father's office at 44 Macleay Street, Kings Cross, and neither was my mother. She told me it was not a place for small children. Later, talking with his old friends in my early 20s, I found out that his office was not just for business but also a place where he would have sex with many women. My father had a certain charm and power that drove women crazy.

A huge blow for my father came in 1954, with the royal commission into liquor trading, conducted by Justice Victor Maxwell snr [who died in 1975]. This was the beginning of a lifelong battle with hypocritical elements within the law and politicians who wanted to bring him down for their personal gain. The truth is that my father was a visionary and the founder of the modern entertainment industry in Australia, providing fabulous clubs, pubs, gambling and sex to the public - all of which is legal today.

The commission discovered that he was using family members as fronts for ownership in the pubs, a practice that was illegal. An individual could own only one pub. They also discovered how he was providing liquor from these pubs to the Roosevelt, a practice that was also illegal. He was found guilty and required to sell his pubs, give up his liquor licence and close the Roosevelt. Other than this crippling of his businesses, no charges were brought against my father or any of his family.

I was just seven when in 1955 I left Sydney with my parents on an around-the-world cruise on the SS Orcades. Little did I know that I was going to be left in Switzerland. Towards the end of the trip, my parents took me to Lausanne and introduced me to Mimi and Jacques, relations of my mother's first housekeeper, Roxanne. After several

days, for reasons I've never learned, my parents told me I was to stay for a while with Mimi and Jacques, who spoke almost no English.

Back in Australia, the vice squad had come looking for Dad when investigating an incident where he, Wayne Martin (a Roosevelt employee), Hilton Kincaid, Max Murrell (his silent partner) and my Uncle Henry had gone to Murrell's home in Palm Beach - with four girls, of course. One of them, Jean, told the police about a sex party, but later called my father to apologise, saying she had been forced to do so by the police.

The vice squad found a whip with furry yellow thongs and a camera in the Kings Cross apartment that he kept throughout his marriage. The papers shouted: "Depraved conduct, whip used on nude girls." My father said the offending item was only a feather duster. Before the matter went to court, Jean had a convenient memory loss and the case collapsed, resulting in no convictions.

It was 18 months before I returned to my parents. Happily, I loved Switzerland. Mimi and Jacques loved me and it was the most normal time in my childhood. I still have the fondest memories of my time there, including when I received a scooter for my birthday - the best present I ever had. My father never visited me in Switzerland and my mother only came twice. When my father heard that I called Jacques "Dad", my mother was sent to pick me up.

Sadly, nothing had changed at home - my father still only came home three nights a week and my mother had a growing sadness about her.

After the sex scandal and the allegations of depraved behaviour, my father was dubbed "Mr Sin" by newspapers and the name stuck for more than five decades, until his death [aged 86, on September 15, 2006]. To some extent, he enjoyed the notoriety, although after my mother's death [in 1999] he would famously and successfully sue those who publicly referred to him by this title, as he tried to clean up his image.

My father, however, was indeed a sinful man. From the day he married my mother, he told her he could not and would not be exclusive to her. My mum fought him at times, but even she had to accept his interests as part of her life. He did run brothels, illegal gambling and nightclubs, but he never forced anyone to do what they, making their own immoral choices, wanted. Women were drawn to him because of his combination of gentleness and power.

Mum, too, was a victim of his charisma. She would wait on him hand and foot. His charm was that he never asked for anything, but would quietly stand and wait then thank her in a gentle voice. Whenever they went out for dinner, she would order one meal to share, and it would always be her choice. He was vain in his appearance and my mum combed his hair and dressed him with fashionable taste.

My father's gentle side was also what held people's loyalty and why his employees wanted to work for him forever. They were respectful to him: he was fair, if not extravagant, with the wages. He related to the working man or woman more than the businessman. In fact, while he might have complained about his business associates, he would never follow up on firing anyone, even if they were a loose cannon or stole from the till.

At times, this drove my mother crazy because he would complain about someone but didn't have the heart to dismiss them. Instead, he would stop speaking to them for a time, which was how he would punish - with coldness.

With very few friends, I spent most of my time with adults. It seemed there was always someone different popping in on Friday night or Sunday afternoon, and my mother was always preparing food, the perfect hostess. I met politicians, police, solicitors, doctors, entertainers, radio disc jockeys, airline pilots and stewardesses, businessmen and many women. Some of the people I particularly remember were: Barry Humphries, who later became Dame Edna and a family friend; Brian Bucket, a young architect who became a lifelong friend of my father's; Norm Allan, who became NSW police commissioner in 1962; Jim O'Bannon, an airline pilot who always gave me puzzles and brain-teasers to solve; Johnny, a gay friend of my mother's; Lee Gordon, who later became my father's partner in bringing entertainers to Australia; and Wayne Martin and "Last Card" Louie Benedetto, my father's employees ... the list was endless. These were very important occasions for my father; they were when he portrayed his family image to the world - and himself.

I know my mother was aware of my father's activities, as her friends, like Johnny, would inform on him to her. I don't think she was in denial about his outside life, she was just very dependent on him. My father didn't want his wife working and she also had me to think about. She often said she couldn't take me away from him - he loved me so much and she couldn't hurt him in that way.

But I noticed she was becoming more and more depressed, and I would often arrive home from school to find her in bed, most of the time asleep.

My father met a new girlfriend, Rita Hagenfelds, and set her up in a new home in Kensington. He fooled around with many women, but Rita became my father's first real mistress, a constant companion.

He spent up to three of his nights away from home with her, retaining at least one night to do as he pleased. He was never quiet about his affairs and in no time my mother knew about Rita and became the laughing stock of the Jewish community.

She was so embarrassed she attempted to commit suicide with an overdose of sleeping pills. I was fortunate to discover her and called the doctor. Unfortunately, it was a Thursday - not one of my father's days at home - and it was inconvenient for my father to come home. After several calls to track him down, he finally returned but didn't stay. This was quite a shock to me and even at an early age it made me question my father's loyalty.

Rita was a showgirl, many years younger than my father, and he was totally smitten by her, often taking her out to all the best nightclubs, including his own. Her house became a party place with a beautiful pool, numerous girls often sunbathing topless and a constant stream of my father's friends, including judges and police. These were often the same people whom my father entertained more respectably with my mother at the family home. As usual, he was living two lives and no one dared to challenge him. He ended up staying with Rita for more than 20 years.

In 1960, he opened the first strip club in Australia, the Staccato, in Kings Cross. It was managed by "Last Card" Louie and Wayne Martin and was an immediate success. However, the religious right and the church immediately denounced the venture, claiming it exploited women and corrupted the soul. The general public, on the other hand, loved the club and it was crowded every night. Shortly after, he opened the Pink Pussy Cat and began a period which would lead to his absolute control of Kings Cross. In the '60s, no one dared open any form of entertainment, nightclub or bar without his permission. The rare club licences granted to others required a consideration paid to my father.

The early '60s were extremely busy and profitable for my father. During this time, he bought a run-down apartment building and converted it into Sydney's first motel, Lodge 44. As soon as it was completed, my father moved in and converted three rooms into his offices.

The motel was also used as a rest stop for my father's friends, police and politicians, who were being entertained by arranged girlfriends. Several high-class escorts, all of whom worked for my father, had arrangements for rooms. Because I was good at maths, my father arranged for me to be picked up at school two days a week and brought to the office to do some of the books and money. It was overwhelming how much money there was to count. It was always in familiar brown envelopes with either the business name on the front or initials and the day of the week. I often asked my father what the initials represented but he said not to worry, just to keep that money separate from the clubs'. It quickly became obvious that this money was from illegal businesses and that what was constantly being told to me about my father was true. I never questioned him about this, but instead did my job and counted the money, which at times was in the thousands.

The birth of Rita's daughter Melissa, in 1966, probably prolonged my father's relationship with Rita, as some of his old friends told me he was getting fed up with her. My mother, who hated Rita, always denied that Melissa was his daughter. If anyone had contact with Melissa they were banned from my mother's life. I never met her until I was in my 20s, and my father never mentioned her in my mother's presence.

Mum left him twice: once when he had been in the newspapers accused of depravity amid the sex scandal about the furry whip, and years later when he was open about another long-term affair. She was in her 60s the second time, in 1998.

In the end, my mother chose to stay on in this oppressive environment; an abusive one, in truth. My Mum was dependent on my Dad and with that came a vulnerability, or great love. She was steadfast, supportive and good. She would never let any other woman have him in marriage.

For many years, my father felt he was above the law. My mother would disagree with what he was doing and constantly warn him about many of his questionable activities. All to no avail. He had total control of the money and all assets; she had me to raise.

He wanted my mother and everything else - no wonder she became hopelessly lost. He would never let her go. Once my Dad owned something, it was never thrown out or discarded.

Edited extract from Gentle Satan: My Father, Abe Saffron by Alan Saffron, rrp $32.95, Michael Joseph, which is released on Wednesday.

Mr Sin's family goes to court as more millions emerge

Kate McClymont -  JANUARY 24 2011

http://www.smh.com.au/national/mr-sins-family-goes-to-court-as-more-millions-emerge-20110123-1a18q.html

THE emergence of several million dollars belonging to the late crime boss Abe Saffron is set to spark a fresh legal wrangle.

Alan Saffron, the only son of the notorious ''Mr Sin,'' cried when he learned how little he had been left in the will of his father, who died in September 2006.

Mr Saffron controlled the vice trade, including illegal gambling and prostitution in most states, and bribed politicians and police to ensure he was protected.

The bulk of his estimated $27 million estate went to his secretary-mistress Teresa Tkaczyk, 63, and Melissa Hagenfelds, 48, his daughter by an earlier mistress, Biruta.

From his rented apartment in Los Angeles, Alan Saffron said he had recently learned that there was several million dollars that had been placed by the executors into a discretionary trust.

Mr Saffron, 62, requested some of those funds. ''A portion of that money should go to me as I have had a stroke and I can't work. I am in a terrible state. I was never treated fairly in the will, which I never fought. I chose to take the high road and not fight because I didn't want to delay the distribution.''

Max Cowley, his father's long-term accountant and an executor of the will, did not return a call from the Herald but in an email sent to Mr Saffron this week Mr Cowley wrote: ''You have not quite understood our position. When it comes time to exercise discretion the trustees will have to take note of your late father's STRICT wishes, which were that no monies be paid to you no matter what the circumstances.

''Maybe you should take comfort that your children have indicated that they will support you financially.''

Alan Saffron now plans to take legal action against Mr Cowley. ''I am the only legitimate heir. I am going to fight it in court,'' he said.

Mr Cowley, who is either 73 or 83 depending on which ASIC record is accurate, already has another matter in the NSW Supreme Court relating to the will of another client, Abe Saffron's business partner Dawn O'Donnell, who died in 2007.

O'Donnell, a former ice-skating champion and former Double Bay butcher, made her fortune from gay saunas, nightclubs and sex shops.

Her partner of 30 years, Aniek Baten, sued Mr Cowley, the executor, in the Supreme Court on the ground that she was not adequately provided for.

Ms Baten was left a total of $3 million but not the family home, which was bought in 2002 for $5.4 million. Instead O'Donnell left the bulk of her $16 million estate to NIDA, Taronga Zoo and WIRES.

Mr Cowley, who was himself a beneficiary, having been left $50,000 and a Lexus car, settled the case with Ms Baten but the matter is now back in court as Mr Cowley is requesting he be paid a commission for his work administering the estate. A directions hearing has been set down in the Supreme Court next month.

Gentle Satan: Growing up with Australia's Most Notorious Crime Boss

by Alan Saffron

The inside story of Mr Sin and his families. 

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/4436111-gentle-satan

Growing up the son of Australia's kingpin of vice, Alan Saffron had little chance of a normal life. In the landmark nightspots of Kings Cross, his father pioneered the lucrative underworld business of girls, grog and gambling - and had Alan count the money after school. But the real trouble was at home. 

Abe Saffron rules his family with the same ruthless authority with which he rules the Cross. A tireless womaniser, he split his week between his wife and son and a series of mistresses, even starting a second family with one of them. His control over those around him continued until his death in late 2006 and beyond, through his surprising will. 

In Gentle Satan, Alan charts his father's rise to power and four-decade reign, made possible by corruption at the highest echelons of police and politics. He also offers the truth behind the infamous tragedies of Juanita Nielsen's murder and the Luna Park fire.

But at its heart, this is an unforgettable story of a son struggling to win approval from a cruel father, one who at various times had him committed to the notorious Chelmsford psychiatric hospital and denied him access to his own children. With unabashed candour, Alan reveals the remarkable personal lives of those who lived with Mr Sin.

Abe Saffron Other names   Abe Saffron, Mr Sin Name   Abe Saffron Children   Alan Saffron Occupation   Property developer Convictions   Tax evasion Born  6 October 1919 (1919-10-06) Annandale, New South Wales Died  September 15, 2006, Sydney, Australia

Education  Fort Street High School https://alchetron.com/Abe-Saffron orn  6 October 1919 (1919-10-06) Annandale, New South Wales Died  September 15, 2006, Sydney, Australia Education  Fort Street High School Abraham Gilbert "Abe" Saffron (6 October 1919 – 15 September 2006) was an Australian nightclub owner and property developer who was reputed to have been one of the major figures in Australian organised crime in the latter half of the 20th century.                                                                                                                      For several decades, members of government, the judiciary and the media made repeated allegations that Saffron was involved in a wide range of criminal activities, including illegal alcohol sales, dealing in stolen goods, illegal gambling, prostitution, drug dealing, bribery and extortion. He was charged with a range of offences including "scandalous conduct", possession of an unlicensed firearm and possession of stolen goods, but his only major conviction was for tax evasion. e gained nationwide notoriety in the media, earning the nicknames "Mr Sin", "a Mr Big of Australian crime" and "the boss of the Cross" (a reference to the Kings Cross red-light district, where he owned numerous businesses). He was alleged to have been involved in police corruption and bribing politicians. Saffron always vigorously denied such accusations, and was renowned for the extent to which he was willing to sue for libel against his accusers. Early life Saffron was born in Annandale in 1919, of Russian Jewish descent. He was educated at Annandale and Leichhardt primary schools and at the highly prestigious Fort Street High School. Although his mother hoped he would become a doctor, Saffron left school at 15 and began his business career in the family's drapery firm in the late 1930s. He enlisted in the Australian Army on 5 August 1940, and reached the rank of Corporal before being discharged 4 January 1944. Saffron did not serve overseas. Saffron then served in the Merchant Navy from January to June 1944. Career Upon leaving the Merchant Navy, he became involved with a notorious Sydney nightclub called The Roosevelt Club, co-owned by "prominent Sydney businessman" Sammy Lee. It is claimed that Saffron began his rise to power in the Sydney underworld through his involvement in the lucrative sale of black-market alcohol at the Roosevelt. At the time, NSW clubs and pubs were subject to strict licensing laws which limited trading hours and regulated alcohol prices and sale conditions. When Saffron began working at the Roosevelt, alcohol sales were also subject to wartime rationing regulations. A subsequent Royal Commission into the NSW liquor trade heard evidence that in the early 1950s The Rooer being declared a "disorderly house" by the NSW Police Commissioner. After Saffron sold the Roosevelt, it was able to be re-opened. Saffron then relocated to Newcastle; he worked there for a time as a bookmaker, but it has been reported that he was not successful. When questioned by a Royal Commission about how he had obtained the substantial sum (£3000) with which he bought his first pub licence in Newcastle, he claimed that the money had come from savings he had accumulated from his bookmaking activity, although he was notably vague when pressed about the exact sources of this income. In 1948 Saffron returned to Sydney and began purchasing licences for a string of Sydney pubs. It was later alleged that he also established covert controlling interests in numerous other pubs through a series of "dummy" owners. The 1954 Maxwell Royal Commission heard evidence that Saffron used these pubs to obtain legitimately purchased alcohol, diverting it to the various nightclubs and other businesses that he operated and selling at black market prices, realising vast profits. By the 1960s Saffron owned or controlled a string of nightclubs, strip joints and sex shops in Kings Cross, including the Sydney club Les Girls, home of the famous transvestite revue. During this period he began to expand his business operations into "legitimate" enterprises and to establish holdings in other states, such as the Raffles Hotel, Perth, leading several state governments to launch inquiries into his activities. International connections The Australian Commonwealth Police alleged that Mr Saffron met with Chicago mobster, Joseph Dan Testa, in 1969, while Testa was in Australia. Juanita Nielsen disappearance One of the most contentious incidents in Saffron's career was his rumoured involvement in the disappearance and presumed murder of newspaper publisher and anti-development campaigner Juanita Nielsen in July 1975. Although no direct connection to the crime was ever established, Saffron was shown to have had proven connections with several people suspected of being involved in Nielsen's disappearance. Saffron owned the Carousel nightclub in Kings Cross, where Nielsen was last seen on the day of her disappearance; his long-serving deputy James McCartney Anderson managed the club; one of the men later convicted of conspiring to kidnap Nielsen was Eddie Trigg, the night manager of the club; it was also reported that Saffron had financial links with developer Frank Theeman, against whose development Nielsen was campaigning. Exposé In the 1980s investigative journalist David Hickie published his landmark book The Prince and The Premier, which included a substantial section detailing Saffron's alleged involvement in many aspects of organised crime in Sydney. The book's central thesis was that former NSW Premier Robert Askin was corrupt, that Askin and Police Commissioners Norman Allan and Fred Hanson received huge bribes from the illegal gaming industry over many years, and that Askin and other senior public officials had overseen and approved of a major expansion of organised crime in New South Wales. Using only material that was already in the public domain, obtained from evidence tendered to royal commissions and allegations made by politicians under parliamentary privilege, Hickie devoted an entire section of his book to Saffron's business activities. Among the most damning material was the detailed evidence tendered to the 1954 Maxwell Royal Commission into the NSW liquor trade, which concluded that Saffron had established covert controlling interests in numerous NSW pubs to supply his "sly grog" outlets, and that he had systematically made false statements to the Commission and sworn false oaths before the NSW Licensing Court. Furthermore, in the second edition of The Politics of Heroin by Alfred W. McCoy, in a chapter summarising the Nugan Hand Bank it is mentioned that Askin and Saffron regularly had dinner together at the Bourbon and Beefsteak Bar and Restaurant, owned by American expatriate Maurice Bernard Houghton. The NSW Police were unable to effect any substantial convictions against Saffron over a period of almost 40 years, which only served to reinforce the public concerns about his alleged influence over state police and government officials, but after the establishment of the National Crime Authority in the 1980s, he became a major target for the new federal investigative body. Tax evasion In November 1987, following an extensive investigation by the NCA and the Australian Taxation Office, Saffron was found guilty of tax evasion. His conviction was largely made possible by evidence provided by his former associate Jim Anderson, who testified that Saffron's clubs routinely kept two sets of accounts—one set of so-called "black" books, which recorded actual turnover, and another set ("white" books) which were purposely fabricated with the intent of evading tax by falsifying income. Despite several legal appeals, Saffron served 17 months in jail. Judge Loveday said on sentencing "In my view the maximum penalty of three years is inadequate." Saffron undertook a number of highly publicised defamation cases against various publications; he unsuccessfully sued The Sydney Morning Herald but was successful in later suits against the authors, publishers and distributors of Tough: 101 Australian Gangsters and the publishers of The Gold Coast Bulletin, which contained a defamatory crossword clue. Death Prior to his death he lived in retirement at Potts Point, Sydney. Abe Saffron died at St. Vincent's Hospital, Sydney in 2006, aged 86. He was interred next to his wife, Doreen, at Rookwood Cemetery, Sydney. Legacy In November 2006 the Sydney Daily Telegraph reported that Saffron's son Alan, would receive only $500,000 from his father's multimillion-dollar estate; the article quoted various estimates of the value of the estate that ranged from A$30 million to as much as $140 million. The article reported that Saffron's eight grandchildren (including Alan Saffron's five children) would receive $1 million each, Saffron's mistress Teresa Tkaczyk would receive a lifetime annuity of $1000 a week and the couple's apartments in Surry Hills, Elizabeth Bay and the Gold Coast and that Melissa Hagenfelds (Saffron's daughter by his former mistress Rita Hagenfelds) would also receive a $1,000 a week annuity and apartments at Centennial Park and Elizabeth Bay. Other reported provisions of the will included bequests of up to $10 million to various charities. In May 2007 the Sydney Morning Herald published an article on Saffron's reputed involvement in the infamous Ghost Train fire at Luna Park Sydney in 1979, when a suspected arson attack destroyed the popular ride, killing seven people. In an interview with Herald journalist Kate McClymont, Saffron's niece Anne Buckingham linked Saffron to the fire, stating that her uncle "liked to collect things" and that he intended to purchase Luna Park. At the time of the fire, the park was being leased to property developer Leon Fink (businessman) and his partner, who told the Herald that he had been stopped from purchasing the park by the then state ALP government of Neville Wran—reputedly because Fink's business partner Nathan Spatt had made derogatory comments about Wran's use of a private aircraft belonging to Sir Peter Abeles—and Fink said that Wran once said to him at a function: "While my bum points to the ground, your partner will not get that lease." The Herald story also stated that a parliamentary report revealed that then Deputy Premier Jack Ferguson had told John Ducker (head of the Labor Council of New South Wales) that Wran had decided that Fink would not get Wran's support because he did not donate enough money to the ALP. In August 2007 Allen & Unwin published the first major biography of Saffron, written by investigative journalist Tony Reeves, author of the 2005 biography of notorious Sydney gangster Lenny McPherson. In July 2008 Abe Saffron's son Alan returned to Australia from his home in the USA to promote his memoir Gentle Satan: Abe Saffron, My Father and the publication of the book was widely covered in the Australian media. According to a Sydney Morning Heraldreport, Saffron's book names former Saffron associate James McCartney Anderson as the chief agent of the conspiracy to silence Juanita Nielsen. Anderson (who died in 2003) consistently denied any involvement while he was alive, but police reportedly failed to check Anderson's alibi that he was interstate when Nielsen disappeared. In an interview with Herald reporter Lisa Carty, Alan Saffron said that he had received death threats over the book because it would name some of the people involved in the Juanita Nielsen conspiracy, but that he was unable to name all those involved for legal reasons, because some were still alive. Saffron claimed he could name people "much bigger" than former NSW premier Robert Askin and former police commissioner Norman Allan, with whom his father corruptly dealt to protect his gambling, nightclub and prostitution businesses. Saffron specifically referred to: ... one particular businessman I was desperate to name, and there's one particular police officer who is extremely high ranking. They're the biggest names you can imagine in Australia. According to the Herald article, all the conspirators are named in the original manuscript of the book, which is now in the possession of Saffron's publishers, Penguin, and that the book would be re-published with additional names after people not originally named had died. A follow-up article published the next day carried Alan Saffron's assertion that his father controlled the vice trade, including illegal gambling and prostitution, in every state except Tasmania and the Northern Territory, and that he bribed "a host of politicians and policemen" to ensure he was protected from prosecution. Later in his career Abe Saffron reportedly began laundering his huge illegal income through loan sharking and that the late media magnate Kerry Packer was among those who borrowed money from Abe Saffron, allegedly to cover gambling debts. The book also alleges that Saffron lent money to several other prominent Sydney businessmen including Frank Theeman (whose controversial Kings Cross development was the target of Juanita Nielsen's campaign) as well as former TNT boss Sir Peter Abeles and property tycoon Sir Paul Strasser, both of whom received knighthoods during Askin's premiership. The book lends further weight to the long-standing allegations of corruption against former NSW Premier Robert Askin and Police Commissioner Norman Allan. It claims that Saffron made payments of between A$5000 and $10,000 per week to each man over many years, that Askin and Allan both visited Saffron's office on several occasions, that Allan also visited the Saffron family home, and that Abe Saffron paid for an all-expenses overseas trip for Allan and a young female 'friend'. Later in Askin's premiership, according to Alan Saffron, his father became the "bagman" for Sydney's illegal liquor and prostitution rackets and most illegal gambling activities, collecting payoffs that were then passed to Askin, Allan and others; in return his father was completely protected. It was reported on 9 October 2011 that Abe also fathered another son, Adam Brand. References https://youtu.be/8GGCoHfPixQ

Abe Saffron- Sydney's 'Mr Sin'

Tuesday 19 September 2006

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/obituaries/abe-saffron-6231450.html

Abraham Gilbert Saffron, nightclub owner: born Sydney, New South Wales 6 October 1919; married (one son, one daughter); died Sydney 15 September 2006.

At the funeral service on Monday of Abe Saffron, "Mr Sin", last of the so-called East Coast Milieu who dominated organised crime in Sydney from the 1940s to the 1980s, the rabbis spoke of him as "acknowledged as a man of goodwill" and "a true Australian icon". One of his former employees thought differently, saying,

He made sure his girls had enough heroin to work and make him a dollar. He always took 60/40. He was a hoon.

The small, dapper Abraham Gilbert Saffron was born in 1919, one of five children of a draper in Annandale, Sydney. According to underworld legend there was a judge in his family tree. Saffron's mother wanted him to be a doctor but he had a taste for business begun by selling cigarettes to players at his father's poker games.

Educated at Fort Street High School, whose other alumni included the New South Wales Premier Neville Wran and another Sydney identity, James "Paddles" Anderson, Saffron left at the age of 15 and began work in his father's shop. In 1938 he acquired his first gaming conviction and the next year he was sentenced to six months' hard labour, suspended provided he joined the forces.

Despite this, he was able to open a number of clubs. His most celebrated, the Roosevelt, in Orwell Street, Kings Cross, which catered for resting American troops, was temporarily closed in 1944 when it was described by Mr Justice Maxwell as "the most notorious and disreputable night-club in the city". Saffron then took up bookmaking in Newcastle, New South Wales, acquiring the licence of the Newcastle Hotel. By the end of the Second World War he was one of the biggest of Sydney's illegal liquor dealers, owning a string of clubs and hotels and often using his family as front men.

In addition to the clubs his interests included brothels, arson, bribery, blackmail and extortion and by the 1950s he was regarded as one of the principal figures in organised crime. He was also heavily involved in illegal baccarat games. He denied involvement in drugs, but the comments of his employee seem to give the lie to this. In 1974 he was dubbed Mr Sin at the Royal Commission into Organised Crime conducted by Mr Justice Moffitt. To his great annoyance it stuck.

The next year the renegade and crusading heiress Juanita Nielsen, who was trying to prevent redevelopment of part of Sydney's Kings Cross, disappeared, presumed murdered, after a mid-morning appointment at Saffron's transvestite night-club Les Girls. Her body was never found.

In the early 1980s Saffron had free access to high-ranking police and in particular to the office of Bill Allen, the Assistant Commissioner, something which contributed to the officer's speedy dismissal. The next year he was named by Senator Don Chipp in the Federal Parliament as "one of the most notorious, despicable human beings - if one can use that term loosely - living in this country".

Because of Saffron's connections, over the years there were few prosecutions and those which were brought mostly failed or convictions were overturned on appeal. In perhaps the most celebrated of them, in 1956, he was acquitted of "scandalous conduct" involving four girls, feather dusters and oysters.

In 1988, Saffron fell out with a former partner in his night-clubs who gave evidence against him about the book-keeping. Now, Capone-like, Saffron went to prison for three years for tax fraud and served 17 months. While inside he organised the cabaret from his club to give a performance for his fellow prisoners. Another prisoner had food brought in for the concert from a Chinese restaurant he owned.

Either out of the goodness of his heart or, said his critics, an effort to improve his image, he turned to charitable work, organising a party for crippled children - at which he nearly electrocuted himself - and helping to raise money for the Miss Australia Quest.

He remained spiky to the end of his life, in 2004 suing The Gold Coast Bulletin over the answer (3, 7) to a crossword clue, "Sydney underworld figure, nicknamed Mr Sin" and, rather less successfully, John Silvester and Andrew Rule over his entry in their Tough: 101 Australian gangsters (2002). He settled the action on part payment of his lawyers' costs, and the sales of the book increased enormously.

Abe Saffron is survived by his son, Alan, and by Melissa, his daughter from a long-standing relationship with Rita Hagenfelds, a former Tivoli dancer. His wife of 52 years, Doreen, died in 1999.

James Morton

SIN CITY

Sydney’s hidden underbelly of judges, politicians and the original King of the Cross exposed after 30 years of secrecy

The Daily Telegraph (Sydney)- 15 Sep 2017- Janet Fife-yeomans

https://www.pressreader.com/australia/the-daily-telegraph-sydney/20170915/281479276582259

ALLEGATIONS linking a High Court judge to Sydney’s original “King of the Cross” along with brothels, hitmen, prime ministers, premiers and even Soviet spy rings have been revealed after 30 years of secrecy.






Danny Sankey

The Sydney Solicitor who launched private court proceedings alleging a criminal conspiracy claiming that the ten Prime Minister of Australia ..Gogh Whitlam, the ten-Attorney General of Australia Lionel Murphy and two other government Ministerd mislead Governor General John Kerr over approval of a $4 billion dollar loan arranged through a Pakistani con-man

About 4000 sealed pages from the covert investigation into former High Court judge Lionel Murphy — a Whitlam government attorney-general — reveal a criminal web that also included Swiss bank accounts, mafia bosses and lucrative deals that changed the Sydney landscape forever.

Before Roger Rogerson and the Ibrahims, there was Murphy and the first boss of Kings Cross Abe Saffron.

Saffron was so notorious he was known as Mr Sin. Murphy faced a 1986 parliamentary inquiry, but the commission was closed down after he died and its documents locked away until they were released in the federal Senate yesterday.

THE scandalous ties linking Australia’s High Court and government to Sydney’s criminal underworld have been exposed in sensational documents on controversial Labor politician-turned-judge Lionel Murphy finally released yesterday after over 30 years of secrecy.

The 4000 pages of documents reveal a web of brothels, hitmen, diamonds, Swiss bank accounts, meetings with US mafia bosses and dodgy deals done by the High Court judge and NSW Labor Premier Neville Wran.

Behind many of the dirty tricks was Sydney’s original “Mr Sin”, Abe Saffron.

Before disgraced cop-turned-murderer Roger Rogerson and the Ibrahim family, Saffron was the charming and powerful “boss of the Cross” known for his nightclubs, gambling dens, corruption and standover tactics.

Sydney-born Murphy, who died of cancer in 1986, was hailed as a judicial reformer. As federal attorney-general in the ALP government of Gough Whitlam, he established the Family Court, no-fault divorce and national legal aid.

But his long-rumoured seedy side and rogues gallery of mates have been confirmed in documents from a 1986 parliamentary commission of inquiry, which was set up after he was cleared of two counts of trying to influence court cases involving his “little mate”, solicitor Morgan Ryan.

The commission was closed down after Murphy died of cancer that same year and its documents locked away until they were released in the federal Senate yesterday.

Among the explosive claims is that Murphy asked Abe Saffron to intimidate a Sydney solicitor, Danny Sankey, who had brought a private prosecution against him.

“Sankey’s a dead man,” one barrister was told amid the allegations involving the case brought against Murphy, former Labor prime minister Gough Whitlam, Whitlam’s former deputy prime minister Jim Cairns and fellow ALP MP Rex Connor.

The commission was led by three retired judges who indicated they wanted answers to claims that Murphy twice urged Ryan to “harm” the late barrister David Rofe QC in revenge for him acting for Mr Sankey.

Mr Sankey had launched the proceedings during the election campaign in 1975 over the so-called “loans affair”.

He accused the four men of deceiving then governor-general John Kerr to approve the

Whitlam government’s bizarre scheme in December 1974 to raise $4 billion in overseas loans through a Pakistani conman named Tirath Khemlani.

“One would need to ask why a Justice of the High Court would ask a reputed criminal to make representations on his behalf to a person who had launched a private prosecution against him,” states the document in what is called Allegation No.11.

“It must be contended that the judge (Murphy) well knew that Saffron could apply considerable pressure of an impermissible kind to Sankey with a view to persuading him to withdraw the prosecution.”

The documents also reveal claims that at the height of his influence on the High Court, Murphy lobbied Wran’s state government to give Saffron the contract to remodel Central Railway Station and personally spoke to the former NSW premier to give one of Saffron’s companies Luna Park’s lease.

The commission stated it intended to investigate claims that Murphy was a partner in the Kings Cross brothel, Venus Room, with Saffron.

“We have been told that there is evidence available that the judge has had a long association with Abe Saffron,” the commission documents state.

“It is said that there is a long history of the judge receiving sexual favours from women supplied by Saffron.”

An associate of Saffron’s, James West, told the then-National Crime Authority in a transcript released by the commission that Murphy met with “top mafia men” from the US along with Saffron.

“High on the list” of investigations for a state police task force in 1986 was the alleged involvement of Murphy, Saffron, Ryan and two other businessmen and police in illegal casinos in Sydney’s Dixon Street, it was revealed.

However, the commission rejected claims Murphy was a Soviet spy, said it could not conclude that a diamond given to his wife was part of tax avoidance scheme, but it was trying to get more information about documents that purported to show that Murphy and Gough Whitlam had a numbered Swiss bank account and a safety deposit box in Zurich.

When the commission was shut down, the then-Prime Minister Bob Hawke tried to bury the documents forever.

However, the Labor PM was overruled and instead imposed a 30-year limit. Mr Hawke did not respond to a quest for comment yesterday.

Neither Mr Sankey nor Morgan Ryan could be contacted for comment yesterday.

Evidence reveals Murphy was silent partner in Saffron brothel

http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/evidence-reveals-murphy-was-silent-partner-in-saffron-brothel/news-story/399cbf3bb511155f263cec22dec0256b

Abe Saffron poses at his Hollywood style Roosevelt Nightclub in Sydney in 1951.

Former High Court judge Lionel Murphy was under investigation over allegations he had an off-the-books stake in one of Abe Saffron’s brothels — the Venus Room — and was a “silent partner”, documents collected by the commission of inquiry reveal.

Thousands of pages released yesterday detail a close relationship between Murphy, Saffron and solicitor Morgan Ryan that allegedly involved women providing sexual favours, suspicions of the illegal importation of Filipina prostitutes, backroom deals to sec­ure construction leases, and friendly dinners stretching back decades.

Commission staff spoke to witnesses — often associates of ­Saffron — who said they saw Murphy in the Venus Room multiple times, almost invariably with Asian women. Police, however, still had their doubts about the depth of the men’s relationship.

James McCartney Anderson, a Scottish self-described “theatrical producer” who supplied entertainers to Saffron’s establishments, said the businesses had “black” and “white” financial records to separate how much was made on and off the books. He spoke about signing a partnership agreement with Saffron.

“We eventually agreed on a split of the profits,” he told the inquiry. “Sixty per cent to him and 40 per cent to me. ... He said he needed the extra percentage because he had to pay what he called ‘silent partners’ in the business.

“I could not give an exact figure but I estimate that over the period of our association, the ‘black’ takings from the businesses I handed over to Abe Saffron amounted to several million dollars.”

In a long interview with the ­inquiry, Anderson said Ryan and Murphy were “partners”.

“I know it. Youse have got to prove it. And Saffron, the deadly threesome, right,” he said.

Murphy’s associations with Saffron concerning allegations of sexual favours and his “silent” partnership in the Venus Room were never put to the late judge by the commission for a response.

Anderson said Saffron admitted to him that Murphy was part of the Venus Room business.

“We had an argument over the 60/40 split,” Anderson said. “Abe said, ‘Look, I've got silent partners I have got to pay’. I said, like who. He said, ‘Oh like Morgan Ryan, ­Lionel Murphy’. He said they have got to be looked after, they look after certain areas.”

Anderson’s wife, Neathia, also said she had seen Murphy at the Venus Room and that he had come in with “a very good-looking Asian lady” she later learned was Junie Morosi.

Rosemary Opitz, a friend of Saffron’s mistress Biruta “Rita” Hagenfelds, said: “I don’t know why they deny it. They were social friends ... They definitely knew each other. I don’t know why they’re so stupid as to say they didn’t.”

Murphy’s former girlfriend Anna Paul could corroborate this, the National Crime Authority told the commission.

In internal memos, the inquiry explored what offences a silent partnership would constitute. “It is likely NSW law makes it an ­offence to be a part-owner of a brothel knowing that the premises are being used for the purposes of prostetution (sic).

“We should also examine the possibility of there being an offence of controlling a disorderly house (common law offence).”

Anderson also said it was “common knowledge” among the ladies that Murphy was involved in sex orgies that Saffron organised.

The commission also learned the NSW police vice squad had been conducting a lengthy investigation into allegations “Philippino girls were imported under some racket involving Morgan Ryan to work as prostitutes in the Venus Room,” according to investigator Andrew Phelan.

“Details of that investigation are to be made available to us.”

In the early 1980s, NSW police sergeant Paul Egge, who was involved in a tap on Ryan’s telephone, told investigators that Saffron had asked him for the lease to Luna Park, when it was put to public tender after the 1979 Ghost Train fire. “Saffron then rang Ryan and said he wanted the lease,” Sergeant Egge said in a statement.

“Lionel Murphy was contacted by Ryan and requested to speak to (Neville) Wran ... Mr Justice Lionel Murphy said, “Leave it with me” and then after a short time (he) rang back Morgan Ryan and said that he had spoken to Neville.”

Likewise, in 1977, Sergeant Egge recalled a conversation between Saffron and Ryan about Central Railway Station in Sydney. “Abe rang up and said to Morgan Ryan that he would like the contract to remodel Central Railway Station ... Morgan Ryan contacted ... Mr Justice Lionel Murphy and Mr Murphy said ‘Leave it with me’,” he wrote in a statement. “Mr Murphy rang back and said the contract would go to Abe Saffron.”

Phelan penned his thoughts after a discussion with senior police about the links between Murphy and Saffron, in which police aired their doubts. “I asked whether any link between Saffron and His Honour had been uncovered at any time by the NSW police,” Phelan wrote.

“Superintendent Drew said that apart from what James McCartney Anderson had told ... no link between Saffron and His Honour had come to light.”

Lionel Murphy files: secret papers reveal allegations of links with crime boss Abe Saffron

Former high court judge was asked to address allegations he asked Saffron to intimidate witness and to find out if police were bribable, documents reveal

https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/sep/14/lionel-murphy-files-secret-papers-reveal-allegations-of-links-with-boss-abe-saffron

Lionel Murphy files: secret papers reveal allegations of links with crime boss Abe Saffron

Former high court judge was asked to address allegations he asked Saffron to intimidate witness and to find out if police were bribable, documents reveal

 Justice Lionel Murphy was attorney general in the Whitlam government before being appointed to the high court. Photograph: The Sydney Morning Herald/Fairfax Media via Getty Images

Anne Davies

@annefdavies

Thursday 14 September 2017 03.46 BSTLast modified on Thursday 21 September 2017 12.55 BST

Former high court judge Lionel Murphy was asked to address allegations that he had sought to get Kings Cross crime figure Abe Saffron to intimidate a witness and made inquiries about whether federal police were bribable, documents from the 1980s released on Thursday reveal.

The “Class A papers” published after 31 years, reveal 14 allegations were put to Justice Murphy for his response back in 1986 by a parliamentary commission of inquiry. But many more were investigated by the commission. The documents reveal in total 41 allegations that were investigated by the commission of three judges.

The inquiry followed a turbulent few years in which Murphy was tried on two counts of attempting to pervert the course of justice in order to influence the trial of his friend, Sydney solicitor Morgan Ryan. Murphy was accused of approaching the New South Wakes district court judge Paul Flannery, and the NSW chief magistrate, Clarrie Briese, to try to influence the trial.

Murphy was initially found guilty over one of the incidents and cleared of the other, but on appeal was acquitted of both.

Further allegations about the judge emerged as result of reporting by the Age. Illegal police phone taps in 1984 – known as the Age Tapes – and the subsequent Stewart royal commission which investigated organised crime in New South Wales.

Bob Hawke, Gough Whitlam and Lionel Murphy in Sydney in 1974. 
Photograph: The Sydney Morning Herald/Fairfax Media via Getty Images

Murphy was attorney general in the Whitlam government, before he was appointed to the high court by Labor in 1975. Regarded as a leading light of the Left, the judicial scandal which tarnished his later career deeply divided his supporters and critics. His untimely death at 64 left many unanswered questions.

Some of the new papers stem from the now notorious attempts by Murphy during the early 1980s to assist his friend solicitor Morgan Ryan, who was facing prosecution for conspiracy over a visa fraud. Others appear to be based on wire taps of phone calls the judge had with Ryan, which were later reported by the Age.

The documents have emerged after the presiding officers of the federal parliament decided to release the papers. The inquiry was formed to look into whether Murphy had committed misconduct while a high court judge, in breach of the constitution.

It was halted by the Hawke government after it was revealed that Murphy had inoperable cancer. He controversially returned to the high court to hear cases, but died a few months later.

Among the questions before the inquiry were allegations that in 1975 while a judge, Murphy had agreed with Ryan that they should ask Saffron to approach Danny Sankey, who was taking a private prosecution against several Labor figures, including Murphy. The judge was asked to address the specific allegation that he knew this would result in Sankey being intimidated.

Murphy was also accused of urging Ryan to have Sankey’s counsel, David Rofe, harmed because of his role in the case.

Murphy was asked to address allegations that in 1980 he had tried to influence the award of a NSW government contract to remodel Central Railway Station, so it would go to interests associated with Abe Saffron. The commission said at the time Murphy knew Saffron was a person of ill-repute but had tried to assist him regardless.

There were also several allegations relating to attempts to influence police officers. Murphy was asked to address whether he had sought to find out whether particular federal police were bribable or subject to influence. He was reported to have told Ryan in one conversation: “The answer was definitely no, they were both very straight.”

In the case of senior detective Don Thomas, which made headlines in 1986, it was alleged Murphy had sought to influence an investigation, offered to secure him a senior position in the Australian federal police and sought to groom him as a source of confidential information from within the AFP.

There were also several allegations relating to Murphy’s interactions with Briese in an effort to help Ryan who was facing trial for attempting to illegally obtain residency for several Korean nationals.

The attempts led to Murphy being tried and convicted but acquitted on appeal, in a series of cases that gripped the nation.

The commission was restricted from looking at the actual event, but it found a way around that restriction by looking at whether Murphy had breached his duties as an officer of the court.

This included that he had deliberately given sworn false evidence, and had given magistrate Briese’s diaries to a third party to have them photocopied when he knew that the court order restricted access to the legal advisers only. 

Other attempts by Murphy to help his friend also came under scrutiny.

He was also facing allegations that he knowingly swore false evidence over his interactions with Justice Jim McClelland, whom he approached to contact the Chief Judge Staunton over Ryan’s trial.

Murphy claimed in court that he had only spoken to McClelland after McClelland had spoken to Staunton, but this was incorrect, and the judge knew it. The true scenario was that Murphy had approached McClelland in order to persuade him to intercede on Ryan’s behalf with the chief judge.

There were further allegations before the parliamentary commission of inquiry that, at the urging of Ryan, Murphy had sought to get then Premier Neville Wran to appoint a person to the Ethnic Affairs Commission.

Perhaps the most intriguing are documents which are alleged to be records of safety deposit boxes at Union Bank of Switzerland in Zurich.

One is registered in the name of Gough Whitlam and Lionel Murphy. Another is in the name of Murphy and Junie Morosi, the high profile chief of staff to cabinet minister, Jim Cairns, was nominated as holding the keys and is the only person still living who could shed shed light on the matter.

At the time – 1975 – there were persistent rumours of kickbacks as a result of the Kemlani loans affair. The documents were delivered to the commission by two journalists who swore statutory declarations that they had uncovered them as part of an investigation.

Lionel Murphy misconduct inquiry: Senate president to decide on release of files

End of 30-year statutory embargo could provide a treasure trove of information dealing with alleged misbehaviour of the former high court justice

https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2016/sep/24/lionel-murphy-misconduct-saga-senate-president-to-decide-on-release-of-inquiry-files

 The documents dealing with the alleged misbehaviour of the former high court justice Lionel Murphy could open up a treasure trove of historical interest. Photograph: Lionel Murphy Foundation

Sunday marks the end of the 30-year statutory embargo on the release of what could prove a treasure trove of documents dealing with the alleged misbehaviour of the former high court justice Lionel Murphy.

These are what are known as the Class A documents that were collected by the parliamentary commission of inquiry that was established in May 1986 to examine 14 allegations against the high court judge.

The commission of inquiry was wound up before it could report on the allegations because in July 1986, Murphy was diagnosed with terminal cancer and given only a short time to live.

In August that year, the Labor government introduced the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (Repeal) Bill, to which assent was given on 25 September 1986.

Section 6 says that for 30 years after the commencement of the repeal act, no one other than a presiding officer of the parliament (the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the president of the Senate) is entitled to access the documents.

From Sunday, the Class A documents can be released “with the written authority of the presiding officers”.

The Class B documents deal with the interpretation of section 72 of the constitution, dealing with the removal of judges on the ground of “proved misbehaviour”.

It is the misconduct documents that are expected to open a treasure trove of historical interest. Murphy was the reformist attorney general of the Whitlam government and was appointed to the high court in 1975 to replace Sir Douglas Menzies.

Justice Roslyn Atkinson of the Queensland supreme court broadly set out the history of the Murphy affair in a speech to a law dinner in 2008.

In November 1983, The National Timesbroke a story that federal and NSW police had commenced a crime intelligence operation against a Sydney solicitor in which they bugged the solicitor’s phone.

The National Times claimed that the conversations showed the solicitor and others were involved in fixing judicial proceedings and providing prostitutes to a senior judge.

In February 1984, The Age published a front page story with the headline: “Secret tapes of judge, lawyer”, with the sub-heading “Sydney solicitor’s phone was tapped”.

The article said that an unnamed judge was taped talking to the solicitor about judicial appointments, politicians and other matters. There was also a conversation between the solicitor and the Sydney crime figure Abe Saffron, in which the judge was described as “the trump”. The provision of “girls” to the judge was also discussed.

In March 1984, Don Lane, a minister in the Bjelke Petersen government said in the Queensland parliament that the judge involved in the illegally taped conversations was Justice Lionel Murphy of the high court. The solicitor was Morgan Ryan. 

Later the chief magistrate of NSW Clarrie Briese and the district court judge Paul Flannery alleged that Murphy had improperly attempted to influence them in relation to charges faced by Ryan.

These allegations were investigated by two Senate committees, which split on party lines, although a majority on the second committee found that Murphy’s conduct might have amounted to “proved misbehaviour”.

In January 1985, the Commonwealth director of public prosecutions charged Murphy with two attempts of perverting the course of justice in relation to the criminal proceedings against Ryan, who was facing a retrial on an alleged conspiracy to obtain permanent resident status for 22 Koreans with the use of forged documents.

This was the first time criminal charges had been laid against a high court judge, and in April 1985 Murphy was committed for trial. The prosecutor was Ian Callinan QC, himself later to be appointed to the high court, with Tom Hughes QC acting on behalf of Murphy.

Murphy was acquitted on the count relating to Flannery but convicted on the Briese charge.

The facts before the court were that Murphy had told the chief magistrate he was concerned about the conspiracy case against Ryan. Briese later told the High Court judge that he had inquired the magistrate hearing the Ryan case and it was likely that the accused would be committed for trial. Murphy replied: “The little fellow will be shattered.”

Later there was a telephone conversation in which Murphy told Briese he had spoken to the NSW attorney general who was in support of legislation to make magistrates independent, rather than employees of the government. According to Briese, the judge then said to him, “And now what about my little mate?”

Various questions of law about the charges and the trial went to the high court and some were sent back to the NSW court of criminal appeal, which quashed Murphy’s conviction and sentence of 18 months’ imprisonment and ordered a retrial.

Murphy was retried before Justice David Hunt and a jury in April 1986. Again he did not give sworn evidence but made a statement from the well of the court. On 28 April 1986, he was acquitted of the charge of attempting to pervert the course of justice in relation to Clarrie Briese.

However, the matter did not rest there. The Stewart Royal Commission reported that the police tapes, the transcripts of which had been published by The Age, were genuine. There was a second confidential volume of the report by Justice Donald Stewart that allegedly contained more allegations against Murphy.

In response to the judicial-political tempest that was adversely distracting the Hawke government, the cabinet agreed to create the parliamentary commission of inquiry, comprising three former judges, Sir George Lush, Sir Richard Blackburn and Andrew Wells QC.

Murphy made an unsuccessful application to the high court seeking an injunction to stop the commission sitting on the ground that the legislation was invalid.

In July 1986, Murphy knew he was terminally ill. He returned to the high court to sit, a move that was supported by the government, which moved to end the work of the parliamentary commission, against opposition protests.

In August 1986, Murphy released a media statement that said that in his view, “purported allegations ... are either untrue or do not constitute misbehaviour”. 

The presiding officers have authorised the clerks of the Senate and the House of Representatives to access, after September 25, the commission’s records.

The office of Senator Stephen Parry, president of the Senate, told Guardian Australia: “As there is a considerable volume of material that could be of a sensitive nature, the task of reviewing, advising and determining appropriate arrangements for access to the records will take some time. The presiding officers will make known their decision on wider access to records of the commission in due course.”

Lionel Murphy drama confirmed but much detail remains under wraps

Newly released archives reveal how Hawke-era inquiry into Labor politician and high court judge was summarily wound up

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/01/lionel-murphy-drama-ended-with-a-whimper-rather-than-a-bang

 

Cabinet not only decided to wind up its commission of inquiry, it resolved 'that material related to allegations obtained by the commission was never to be made public'. Photograph: Lionel Murphy Foundation

In 1986, during the confused final stages of the controversy involving Labor politician and high court judge Lionel Murphy, the Hawke cabinet opened a new inquiry into him, resolved to defend it despite its apparent zeal, then prematurely closed the inquiry and decided a fortnight before Murphy’s death to pay his considerable legal costs.

A release of cabinet documents from the National Archives confirms this much but reveals little more about the messy end of a two-year drama that inflamed passions and tested friendships in legal, political and media circles.

The Hawke cabinet not only decided to wind up its unusual parliamentary commission of inquiry into “various matters relating to the alleged conduct of Mr Justice Murphy”, it resolved “that material related to allegations obtained by the commission was never to be made public or be treated as being subject to the archives legislation”.

The few records about the Murphy saga that have been opened are brief cabinet decisions. All lack the written submissions that usually accompany a decision and give the background and pros and cons of the issue under discussion.

Frustrating as this may be for scholars and the partisans of the pro- and anti-Murphy camps, it is unsurprising. From the start the Murphy saga was murky.

In late 1983 and early 1984 Fairfax papers the National Times and the Age published reports based on tapes, transcripts and summaries of illegal telephone intercepts reportedly made by some New South Wales police. The authenticity and accuracy of the material were never proved. But the headlines it spawned, such as “Secret tapes of judge”, soon led to Lionel Murphy being named as the judge involved.

Murphy, the reformist attorney general in the Whitlam government, had been appointed to the high court not long before Whitlam’s dismissal by the governor general in 1975. Often in dissent, he had shaken up the court as he had earlier shaken up the Senate and the public service, particularly the security services.

At the core of the “Age tapes” controversy was whether there was evidence sufficient for parliament to remove Murphy as a high court judge because of what the constitution calls proved misbehaviour.

The core allegation was that Murphy had tried improperly to influence decision-making by a magistrate and a judge in a case involving a solicitor Murphy had known for many years, a solicitor who had represented a major organised crime figure. The line that became shorthand for the Murphy issue at the time, a line which Murphy denied having uttered, was the favour-seeking question: “And what about my little mate?”

The Hawke government watched on in anguish. Publicity about Murphy revived memories of the Whitlam years, a period the Hawke team had been keen for the public to forget. A taint of perceived corruption could spread. Some objected to what was happening out of principle or loyalty or a mix of both. The Labor party in the 1980s contained Murphy’s former colleagues and admirers as well as his enemies. Many were building on reforms which Murphy had initiated.

Over several months, two heavily publicised Senate committees grappled with a complicated mix of facts, inferences and conjecture. Murphy and his supporters strongly attacked the process. It denied him natural justice, they said. The attack on Murphy was an attack on judicial independence.

They raised a string of objections: that the origins of the material were unknown; most transcripts had no matching tapes and could have been fabricated; the intercepts had been illegal; the newspapers had distorted the material; incidents from Murphy’s social life with innocent explanations were being given false and sinister interpretations adverse to Murphy; and the Senate committee inquiries were a kind of political trial.

Opponents argued that continued public confidence in the judiciary in general, and the high court in particular, depended on Murphy resigning or being removed. Judges were to be judged by a higher standard.

Murphy took leave from his duties on the high court but refused to resign.

The second Senate committee found against him and Murphy was later charged with attempting to pervert the course of justice. In July 1985 he was convicted, but almost immediately members of the jury began to tell media outlets, a legal academic and Murphy’s solicitors that they did not believe Murphy was guilty. Their verdict had been reluctantly reached on the basis of misunderstood directions from the trial judge. An appeal was upheld, the conviction was quashed and at the second trial in April 1986 Murphy was acquitted.

Arrangements were made for Murphy to resume work at the high court on 1 May. Two of his fellow judges sent messages congratulating him on his acquittal, but not everyone at the high court was happy about Murphy’s imminent return.

Almost immediately, new claims about Murphy surfaced. The newly released archives give a glimpse of what happened next in cabinet. At the time, cabinet’s decisions dismayed Murphy supporters, who believed the saga should have ended with the acquittal. “Final codas of farce and tragedy,” one legal academic wrote later.

On 5 May the cabinet heard from the attorney general, Lionel Bowen, that the chief justice of the high court, Sir Harry Gibbs, had advised Bowen that Murphy had met that afternoon with his fellow judges and “it was agreed that he would voluntarily refrain from sitting on the high court until such time as he had an opportunity to answer all matters allegedly involving him”.

Murphy’s “statement by way of an answer” was to be “made available for consideration” to the high court, the attorney general, the opposition leader and leader of the then minor party the Australian Democrats. It reads like a very confidential sort of “mini trial” was envisaged to allow this select group to satisfy themselves about Murphy’s fitness to sit again among the other high court judges.

But two days later the stakes were raised. Cabinet decided to have Bowen tell parliament that it would legislate expeditiously for a “parliamentary commission of inquiry into various matters relating to the alleged conduct of Mr Justice Murphy” so that “proper consideration may be given to the question of possible misbehaviour”. The government, Bowen was to announce, “has had full regard to the necessity of the standing and integrity of the high court to be properly protected”.

By 24 June, cabinet was prepared to defend the constitutional validity of its parliamentary commission against a high court challenge from Murphy, a challenge which Murphy’s fellow judges would have had to determine had it proceeded. Cabinet seems to have been wary of the alacrity the three commissioners showed for their task. Were new lines of inquiry in the offing? The minute of the 24 June decision records that the commissioners had requested that Australian Federal Police officers be made available to “help them with their inquiries”. But Cabinet “was of the view that the commissioners themselves had the power to initiate investigations into a matter only where the allegation was supported by material which established or pointed to a prima facie case being established”.’

The next two documents in sequence, on 11 August and 18 August, record decisions to wind up the parliamentary commission without it having to report, and to stop its records becoming public, even through the archives all these years later.

What had changed? In July, Murphy had been diagnosed with cancer and had only a few months to live.

Over the objections of the chief justice, Murphy returned to sit on the bench on 1 August.

The documents show that on 9 October, cabinet decided to pay legal costs incurred by Murphy of $420,473.

On 21 October, the day on which his last two judgments were delivered, Murphy died.

Lionel Murphy files: Former High Court judge’s link to underworld figure Abe Saffron confirmed

 

http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/lionel-murphy-files-former-high-court-judges-link-to-underworld-figure-abe-saffron-confirmed/news-story/4c84e1f603bc2b7244d0ec8203b2bfca

Janet Fife-Yeomans, The Daily Telegraph

September 14, 2017

NOTORIOUS former High Court judge and Labor figure Lionel Murphy asked underworld boss Abe Saffron — known as “Mr Sin’ — to intimidate a lawyer who was suing him, according to secret documents released today.

“Sankey’s a dead man,” it is claimed in the explosive allegations involving the private prosecution brought by former Sydney lawyer Danny Sankey against Murphy, former Prime Minister Gough Whitlam, Whitlam’s former deputy prime minister Jim Cairns and Rex Connor, another Whitlam government MP.

Mr Sankey launched the proceedings during the election campaign in 1975 over the so-called “loans affair”. Mr Sankey accused the four men of deceiving then governor-general John Kerr to approve the Whitlam government’s bizarre scheme in December 1974 to raise $4 billion (in 1975 dollars) in overseas loans through a Pakistani conman named Tirath Khemlani.

Murphy’s close links to Saffron, the organised crime figure, nightclub owner and “boss of the Cross”, have long been rumoured.

New documents released today reveal Murphy was involved in an alleged web of blackmail, perjury and bribery

 

The documents confirmed Murphy’s links to nightclub boss Abe Saffron who on his behalf threatened a lawyers who was suing him.

They have been exposed in the long-awaited documents from the parliamentary commission of inquiry which was reluctantly set up by Prime Minister Bob Hawke in 1986. The documents were released today after being locked up for 30 years.

They also reveal claims that Murphy lobbied the state government to give Saffron the contract to remodel Central Railway Station and also allegedly lobbied former NSW Premier Neville Wran to give one of Saffron’s companies the lease over Luna Park.

Mr Hawke succumbed to pressure and set up the commission of inquiry after Lionel Murphy’s acquittal on a charge of attempting to pervert the course of justice and as he controversially returned to sit on the High Court.

 

Sydney underworld figure Abe Saffron set up an apartment in Kings Cross for former High Court Judge Lionel Murphy.

“One would need to ask why a Justice of the High Court would ask a reputed criminal to make representations on his behalf to a person who had launched a private prosecution against him,” states the document in what is called Allegation No 11.

The commission alleged that Murphy arranged with Saffron to intimidate Mr Sankey between Jubne 1, 1976 and October 31, 1976, while a High Court judge,

It was one of 14 allegations served on Murphy before the commission was shut down following his death from cancer later in 1986.

The commission’s documents reveal an alleged web of blackmail, perjury and bribery as Murphy tried to get his own way

“It must be contended that the judge (Murphy) well knew that Saffron could apply considerable pressure of an impermissible kind to Sankey with a view to persuading him to withdraw the prosecution,” the allegation states.

Secret documens relating to the conduct of the late High Court judge Lionel Murphy were tabled in the House of Representatives.

It is also alleged that Saffron set up an apartment in Kings Cross for the judge.

Mr Sankey told the commission that he had been approached in 1986 — while Murphy was still on the High Court — by Saffron’s right hand man, James McCartney Anderson.

They met at the Caprice Restaurant in Rose Bay which was owned by Mr Sankey. Shortly after that, Mr Sankey said he received a phone call from a man he recognised as Saffron.

The documents, which the Hawke government wanted to bury forever, also reveal claims that Murphy asked his “little mate”, solicitor Morgan Ryan, to “cause harm” to the late barrister David Rofe QC, who was appearing for Mr Sankey in the proceedings.

“The judge’s purpose in doing, urging or encouraging Ryan to cause harm to Rofe was to take revenge upon Rofe for what he had done in the conduct of these prosecutions,” the allegation.

The commission’s documents reveal an alleged web of blackmail, perjury and bribery as Murphy tried to get his own way.

Sankey brought proceeding against former Justice Murphy and three other men including then Prime Minister Gough Whitlam, pictured with Bob Hawke.

Morgan Ryan was a business partner of Saffron, who died in 2006.

James McCartney Anderson, a former associate of Saffron, had previously told a NSW parliamentary committee on prostitution in 1983 that he had seen Murphy speaking to Saffron in the Venus Room at King’s Cross.

“He came down with some Asian ladies. That is Mr Murphy’s weakness, incidentally,” Anderson told the committee.

Murphy was a darling of the left who was federal Attorney-General in the Gough Whitlam government and a Labor appointee to the High Court. He set up the Family Court, national legal aid and introduced no-fault divorces.

According to the secret files, Justice Murphy sought to harm late barrister David Rofe QC (pictured), who was appearing in court proceedings against him.

But he was long alleged to have a dark side although Gough Whitlam claimed Murphy was the victim of a witch hunt.

In the commission of inquiry set up in 1986, three retired judges were recruited to advise parliament whether any of Murphy’s conduct was “proved misbehaviour” for which he could be removed from office but their work was seriously curtailed.

They were told not to rake over the matters that had already been canvassed at his two criminal trials but any evidence that Murphy had misbehaved also had to be based on evidence admissible in court.

Classified documents from a parliamentary inquiry into the conduct of Lionel Murphy were released today.

Abe Saffron’s right hand man James McCartney Anderson met Sankey at the Caprice Restaurant in Rose Bay

They could not force Murphy to give evidence and could not use the Federal Police to help investigations.

The commission before former Victoria Supreme Court Sir George Lush, 73, retired ACT chief justice Sir Richard Blackburn, 68, and former South Australia Supreme Court judge Andrew Wells, 67, opened on June 3, 1986 and sat in public for precisely seven minutes before retreating behind closed doors.

The commission, which had advertised nationally for anyone with allegations involving Murphy to put them in statutory declarations, was told to examine the allegations in private and report back by September 30 that year.

Murphy’s High Court bid to block the inquiry was unanimously rejected by his six fellow judges.

Between July 15 and July 30, the commission sent Murphy through his lawyers a list of 14 allegations which they were due to begin examining on August 5.

On August 1, Murphy announced he had inoperable cancer, would return to the bench, denied any wrongdoing and said he would be having nothing to do with the commission.

On August 20 the commission of inquiry was shut down and the Hawke government moved to bury any documents and the allegations forever.

They imposed a six-month jail sentence and a $5000 fine on anyone disclosing the allegations with a $100,000 fine for corporations.

After widespread outrage, the government only partly backed down. The jail terms and fines remained but the records of that inquiry were sealed for 30 years.

Since the embargo ended in September last year, Senate officials have been going through the documents to remove some names and prevent embarrassment.

The “Class A” documents were approved for release by Speaker Tony Smith and Senate President Stephen Parry.

LIONEL KEITH MURPHY

1922: Born at Kensington, NSW.

1947. Admitted to the Bar while still studying at the Sydney Law School.

1958. Appointed a QC.

1961. Elected to the Senate for the ALP.

1967. Elected Opposition Leader in the Senate.

1972. After ALP won election, he was appointed Federal Attorney-General by Gough Whitlam.

1975. Set up the Family Court and introduced “no fault” divorce. Established national legal aid.

1975. Appointed to the High Court, the last politician to join the country’s highest court.

1984. Charged with two counts of attempting to pervert the course of justice. One alleged he had tried to influence then-NSW Chief Magistrate Clarrie Briese to help get his criminal chargers dismissed against his friend Morgan Ryan. The other involved trying to get Judge Paul Flannery to take the charges against Ryan away from the jury.

1985. Convicted on the Briese matter and sentenced to 18 months’ jail. Conviction overturned on appeal.

1986. Acquitted at retrial.

1986. Prime Minister Bob Hawke set up a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry to assess Murphy’s fitness to return to the High Court. It was due to report on September 30.

October 1986. His last two judgments were delivered just an hour before he died of inoperable cancer.

2017: Classified documents from the parliamentary inquiry into his conduct are released.

Originally published as Allegation 11: Judge’s links to underworld exposed

 

 

Lionel Murphy files: Former High Court Judge’s link to underworld figure Abe Saffron confirmed

JANET FIFE-YEOMANS and BRUCE MCDOUGALL, The Daily Telegraph

http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/news/nsw/lionel-murphy-files-former-high-court-judges-link-to-underworld-figure-abe-saffron-confirmed/news-story/b9535b060df790bd7afaf5171eae89e4

The former Whitlam-era attorney general was the last politician appointed to the High Court.

SW Premier Neville Wran announces his resignation in 1986.

Former Labor PMs Bob Hawke and Gough Whitlam with Lionel Murphy in 1979.

Lionel Murphy, former Labor Attorney-General and High Court judge

September 15, 2017The scandalous ties linking Australia’s High Court and government to Sydney’s criminal underworld have been exposed in sensational documents on controversial Labor politician-turned judge Lionel Murphy finally released yesterday after over 30 years of secrecy.

The 4000 pages of documents reveal a web of brothels, hitmen, diamonds, Swiss bank accounts, meetings with US mafia bosses and dodgy deals done by the High Court judge and NSW Labor Premier Neville Wran.

Behind many of the dirty tricks was Sydney’s original “Mr Sin”, Abe Saffron.

“.. Sankey’s a dead man - a barrister was told..”

Before disgraced cop-turned-murderer Roger Rogerson and the Ibrahim family, Saffron was the charming and powerful “boss of the Cross” known for his nightclubs, gambling dens, corruption and standover tactics.

By contrast, Sydney-born Murphy, who died of cancer in 1986, was hailed as a judicial reformer. As federal attorney-general in the ALP government of Gough Whitlam, he established the Family Court, no-fault divorce and national legal aid.

But his long-rumoured seedy side and rogues gallery of mates have been confirmed in documents from a 1986 parliamentary commission of inquiry which was set up after he was cleared of two counts of trying to influence court cases involving his “little mate”, solicitor Morgan Ryan.

The former Whitlam-era attorney general was the last politician appointed to the High Court.

The commission was closed down after Murphy died of cancer that same year and its documents locked away until they were released in the federal Senate yesterday.

Among the explosive claims is that Murphy asked Abe Saffron to intimidate a Sydney solicitor, Danny Sankey, who had brought a private prosecution against him.

“Sankey’s a dead man,” one barrister was told amid the allegations involving the case brought against Murphy, former Labor Prime Minister Gough Whitlam, Whitlam’s former deputy prime minister Jim Cairns and Rex Connor, another Whitlam government MP.

PM Gough Whitlam whispers to deputy PM Lance Barnard with Lionel Murphy during the opening of Parliament in 1973

The commission was led by three retired judges who indicated they wanted answers to claims that Murphy twice urged Ryan to “harm” the late barrister David Rofe QC in revenge for him acting for Mr Sankey.

Mr Sankey had launched the proceedings during the election campaign in 1975 over the so-called “loans affair”.

He accused the four men of deceiving then governor-general John Kerr to approve the Whitlam government’s bizarre scheme in December 1974 to raise $4 billion (in 1975 dollars) in overseas loans through a Pakistani conman named Tirath Khemlani.

The commission stated it intended to investigate claims that Murphy was a partner in the Kings Cross brothel, Venus Room, with Saffron

“One would need to ask why a Justice of the High Court would ask a reputed criminal to make representations on his behalf to a person who had launched a private prosecution against him,” states the document in what is called Allegation No 11.

“It must be contended that the judge (Murphy) well knew that Saffron could apply considerable pressure of an impermissible kind to Sankey with a view to persuading him to withdraw the prosecution.”

The documents also reveal claims that at the height of his influence on the High Court, Murphy lobbied Wran’s state government to give Saffron the contract to remodel Central Railway Station and personally spoke to the former NSW premier to give one of Saffron’s companies the lease over Milsons Point amusement park Luna Park.

The commission stated it intended to investigate claims that Murphy was a partner in the Kings Cross brothel, Venus Room, with Saffron.

“We have been told that there is evidence available that the judge has had a long association with Abe Saffron,” the commission documents state.

“It is said that there is a long history of the judge receiving sexual favours from women supplied by Saffron.”

An associate of Saffron’s, James West, told the then-National Crime Authority in a transcript released by the commission that Murphy met with “top mafia men” from the US along with Saffron.

‘High on the list” of investigations for a state police task force in 1986 was the alleged involvement of Murphy, Saffron, Ryan and two other businessmen and police in illegal casinos in Sydney’s Dixon Street, it was revealed.

However the commission rejected claims Murphy was a Soviet spy, said it could not conclude that a diamond given to his wife was part of tax avoidance scheme but it was trying to get more information about documents that purported to show that Murphy and Gough Whitlam had a numbered Swiss bank account and a safety deposit box in Zurich.

When the commission was shut down, the then-Prime Minister Bob Hawke tried to bury the documents forever. However, the Labor PM was overruled and instead imposed a 30-year limit.

Neither Mr Sankey nor Morgan Ryan could be contacted for comment yesterday.

Saffron died in 2006.

Lawyer Danny Sankey tells of Abe Saffron’s bid to kill Murphy case

Organised crime boss Abe Saffron at one of his Sydney establishments in the 1950s.

http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/lawyer-danny-sankey-tells-of-abe-saffrons-bid-to-kill-murphy-case/news-story/34d26cf5fbfe09d54c922efe84fd6ab8

BRAD NORINGTON- Associate Editor of The Australian @BradNorington

The Sydney solicitor named in newly released files about alleged misconduct by late High Court judge Lionel Murphy has spoken out for the first time about how ­organised crime boss Abe Saffron tried to pressure him into shutting down legal action against Murphy.

Danny Sankey has told The Australian an allegation raised in parliamentary commission of ­inquiry documents that Saffron ­approached him about dropping a private criminal prosecution involving Murphy is factually correct.

The comments by Mr Sankey come days after the release of ­inquiry files kept secret for more than 30 years detailing serious ­allegations against Murphy, ­including that he had a close relationship with Saffron.

Mr Sankey said Saffron phoned him twice — in July 1976 and May 1977 — and asked what it would take for him to drop a case alleging a criminal conspiracy by Murphy and three others over the former Whitlam government’s so-called “loans affair”.

Mr Sankey was warned that the first call was coming, he said, when known underworld figure and Saffron associate James McCartney Anderson paid a surprise personal visit.

According to notes from the time, calls from Saffron that came almost 12 months apart followed appeal court decisions in Mr Sankey’s favour that allowed him to continue proceedings against Murphy.

“I wasn’t expressly threatened but when Jimmy Anderson comes and you’re knowing who he represents, I felt quite disturbed,” Mr Sankey said.

Besides knowing Anderson’s link to Saffron, he was aware that Saffron’s solicitor was Morgan Ryan, a close friend of Murphy.

Of Saffron’s phone calls, Mr Sankey said: “He didn’t announce himself, but I’d heard him speak in company; he had a distinctive, smooth voice.”

According to Mr Sankey, ­Saffron did not threaten him ­directly but — similar to the sudden presence of Anderson — he felt threatened on the phone by Saffron’s reputation.

He said he told Saffron the only thing that would influence him to end legal action against Murphy and the others would be an admission that they had been wrong to bypass normal loan council channels and try to borrow $US4 billion from Middle Eastern money men to fund national dev­elopment projects.

Fourteen allegations were served on Murphy in July 1986 by a Hawke government-appointed inquiry set up to deal with fresh claims about the judge’s behaviour that emerged after he was acquitted on charges of attempting to pervert the course of justice by allegedly seeking to influence criminal proceedings against Ryan over a suspected Korean immigration racket.

Three retired judges heading the inquiry were required to ­advise whether Murphy’s conduct amounted to “proved misbehaviour” under section 72 of the Constitution.

Late High Court judge Lionel Murphy.

When it was revealed Murphy was dying, the inquiry was called off and all related documents were marked “Class A” confidential by law for 30 years.

Allegation No 11 served on Murphy claimed he had “agreed” with Mr Ryan, and Saffron, that Saffron would arrange for an ­approach to Mr Sankey so he could be “improperly and unlawfully intimidated into withdrawing these private prosecutions”.

The inquiry contended that Murphy’s conduct, if proven, amounted to misbehaviour by “entering into an agreement” to threaten or coerce Mr Sankey, and to pervert the course of justice in relation to the judicial power of the commonwealth.

“As such it constituted conduct contrary to accepted standards of judicial behaviour,” the served allegation said. Murphy was ill, did not respond and died three months later.

Another related allegation served on Murphy was that he twice encouraged Mr Ryan — in 1979 and 1980 — to cause “harm” to Mr Sankey’s barrister in the private prosecution, David Rofe.

According to the allegation: “The judge’s purpose in urging or encouraging Ryan to cause harm to Rofe was to take revenge upon Rofe for what he had done in the conduct of these prosecutions.”

Relatives of Rofe, who died in July, recall he had guards placed at his Woollahra home in Sydney’s eastern suburbs at one stage after receiving threats. They were unclear about the nature and source of the alleged threats.

Bob McLaughlin, a Sydney solicitor who worked with Murphy when Murphy was a barrister ­before entering politics, said he did not believe the Whitlam attorney-general and later High Court judge would encourage intimidation or harm against anyone.

Mr McLaughlin said he and Murphy were on different sides politically, but they were friends who dined regularly and spent many late hours together.

“He was a bon vivant, bright and bubbly. I’d be surprised if he had anything to do with stand­overs. It just wasn’t him,” he said.

Anderson fell out with Saffron in the 1980s, turning police ­informant and helping to prosecute his former boss by giving evidence that led to Saffron’s jailing on tax offences. Anderson died in 2003. Saffron, nicknamed “Mr Sin”, died in 2006.

Mr Sankey’s private prosecution dragged into the early 1980s but was ultimately dismissed.

The explosive allegations against former High Court judge-Lionel Murphy files:

 The explosive allegations against former High Court judge

Lionel Murphy accused of bribery and perjury.Source:News Corp Australia

Documents relating to the conduct of the late High Court judge Lionel Murphy were tabled in the House of Representatives today. 

Abe Saffron the King of Vice when he was alive

Documents relating to the conduct of the late High Court judge Lionel Murphy were tabled in the House of Representatives today. Picture: Gary RamageSource:News Corp Australia

THESE are the stunning allegations that a parliamentary commission served on notorious former High Court judge Lionel Murphy before his death in 1986.

http://www.news.com.au/national/nsw-act/lionel-murphy-files-the-explosive-allegations-against-former-high-court-judge/news-story/5172b25c37c5d4054e9d991225e51f7f

The explosive allegations against former High Court judge Lionel Murphy revealed in secret documents.

Allegation 1. Attempting to bribe a Commonwealth officer.

December 1979 at a lunch at Arrirang House, a Potts Point Korean restaurant, Murphy and solicitor Morgan Ryan invited federal police officer Don Thomas to lunch. Thomas was the prosecuting officer in a case alleging social security fraud against a number of people including one of Ryan’s clients. Murphy told Thomas that he would arrange for him to be an assistant commissioner in the soon-to-be-formed Australian Federal Police if Thomas would be his inside man in the AFP and provide convert information about ALP figures. Thomas declines.

Allegation 2. Looking at bribing another two federal police officers.

Between April 21 and July 23, 1981, Murphy agreed with Ryan and unknown people to make inquiries about two AFP officers, James Lewington and Robert Allan Jones, to see if they “could be bribed or otherwise influenced to act contrary to their duty as police officers”. The officers were investigating alleged illegal activities of Korean nationals in Australia with permanent residence status and what role if any Ryan had played in those activities. Ryan told Murphy the two cops were “very straight”.

Allegation 11. Intimidating Danny Sankey.

Between June 1, 1976 and October 31, 1976, Murphy agreed with Ryan and underworld figure Abe Saffron that Saffron would arrange for then-Sydney solicitor Danny Sankey to be “intimidated” to withdraw his private prosecution against the judge.

Allegation 14. Misbehaviour.

In April 1986, Murphy faced a retrial on a charge of attempting to pervert the course of justice by allegedly trying to influence the then-NSW Chief Magistrate Clarrie Briese to help get criminal charges against Morgan Ryan dropped. Murphy was acquitted but during the trial he made an unsworn statement from the dock upon which he could not be cross-examined in which he implied that Briese had recently fabricated his allegations. The commission of inquiry said that had unfairly deprived Briese or the prosecution of supporting Briese’s credibility while Murphy’s own barrister had rejected any such claim.

Allegation 15. Misbehaviour.

Around April 1985, Murphy gave the diaries of Clarrie Briese to a secretary to be photocopied after they had been subpoenaed by his defence lawyers despite not having permission from the court to do so.

Allegation 16. Perjury.

During his earlier trial in June and July 1985, Murphy lied under oath to the jury when he said that the only thing he had done to help Morgan Ryan on his criminal charges was to speak to Chief Judge Staunton of the District Court to see whether something could be done to get an earlier trial for Ryan. Murphy said he had only spoken to Justice McClelland after this. The truth, said the commission, was that Murphy had approached McClelland first to persuade him to approach Judge Staunton on behalf of Ryan.

Allegation 18. Contravened judicial conduct.

In March 1979, Murphy spoke to then-NSW Premier Neville Wran for the purpose of getting Wadim Jegarow the position of deputy chairman of the NSW Ethnic Affairs Commission. He then told Morgan Ryan that Wran told him Jegarow would get the job. The commission said Murphy entered “into an agreement to influence the making of a public service appointment and actually intervening to achieve that purpose”.

Allegation 20. Contempt of court.

Around March 31, 1979, and again on February 7, 1980, he urged Morgan Ryan to “cause harm” to barrister David Rofe who had appeared for solicitor Danny Sankey in a case against Murphy. The commission said Murphy’s purpose “in urging or encouraging Ryan to cause harm to Rofe was to take revenge upon Rofe for what he had done in the conduct of these proceedings.”

Allegation 16. Perjury.

During his earlier trial in June and July 1985, Murphy lied under oath to the jury when he said that the only thing he had done to help Morgan Ryan on his criminal charges was to speak to Chief Judge Staunton of the District Court to see whether something could be done to get an earlier trial for Ryan. Murphy said he had only spoken to Justice McClelland after this. The truth, said the commission, was that Murphy had approached McClelland first to persuade him to approach Judge Staunton on behalf of Ryan.

Allegation 18. Contravened judicial conduct.

In March 1979, Murphy spoke to then-NSW Premier Neville Wran for the purpose of getting Wadim Jegarow the position of deputy chairman of the NSW Ethnic Affairs Commission. He then told Morgan Ryan that Wran told him Jegarow would get the job. The commission said Murphy entered “into an agreement to influence the making of a public service appointment and actually intervening to achieve that purpose”.

Allegation 20. Contempt of court.

Around March 31, 1979, and again on February 7, 1980, he urged Morgan Ryan to “cause harm” to barrister David Rofe who had appeared for solicitor Danny Sankey in a case against Murphy. The commission said Murphy’s purpose “in urging or encouraging Ryan to cause harm to Rofe was to take revenge upon Rofe for what he had done in the conduct of these proceedings.”

Allegation 23. Demand with menaces.

In March 1980, Murphy agreed wo help Morgan Ryan by arranging a meeting with NSW MP Milton Morris to “threaten Morris with exposure of his alleged involvement in a tax evasion scheme” to induce Morris to get the then-Opposition leader John Mason to stop attacking Ryan for his role in relation to proceedings regarding the Cessna-Milner drug syndicate involving 137kgs of buddha sticks.

Allegation 24. Encouraging an MP to make a false statement.

Around April 2, 1980, Murphy said Morgan Ryan should arrange for an MP to state in parliament that he had made inquiries about Ryan and he had “come up smelling like a rose” when in fact no such inquiries had been made and Murphy knew at the time that Ryan had not been exonerated. Ryan was being investigated by the AFP for any role he played in the alleged illegal activities of Korean nationals who had secured permanent residency in Australia.

Allegation 25. Abe Saffron and Central Railway Station.

In January 1980, Murphy made representations to the state government to try and influence the contract for the remodelling of Central Railway Station to go Abe Saffron.

Allegation 27. Abe Saffron and Luna Park.

In early 1980, Murphy made representations to then-NSW Premier Neville Wran on behalf of Abe Saffron to get him the lease over Luna Park.

Allegation 33. Misbehaviour.

The commission said that Murphy abused his office and improperly attempted to influence a judge in the execution of his duties when he asked Chief Judge James Staunton to get Morgan Ryan an early trial.

Allegation 39. Misbehaviour and trying to influence a judge.

On January 6, 1982, Murphy spoke with then-NSW Ch                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                

Documents relating to the conduct of the late High Court judge Lionel Murphy were tabled in the House of Representatives today. Picture: Gary RamageSource:News Corp Australia

 Lionel Murphy accused of bribery and perjury.Source:News Corp Australia

Underworld figure Abe Saffron.Source:News Corp Australia

Lionel Murphy and the presumption of guilt

TONY BLACKSHIELD- 21 SEPTEMBER 2017

http://insidestory.org.au/lionel-murphy-and-the-presumption-of-guilt-by-association

           

Justice Lionel Murphy (second from right) and his legal team — led by Tom Hughes QC (second from left) — arrive at the Old Banco Court, Sydney, on 18 July 1985. A. Short/Sydney Morning Herald

Some of the most serious allegations against the reforming attorney-general turned High Court judge centre on his relationships — real or imagined — with three notorious Sydney figures

Last week’s release of the Class A files of the parliamentary commission of inquiry into allegations against Justice Lionel Murphy reopened a longstanding controversy about the behaviour of the former Labor attorney-general. (The Class B files, concerned simply with the legal definition of the word “misbehaviour” in section 72 of the Constitution, were published in December last year.)

Writing about the Class A files is difficult. It is difficult because the seventy-four files — more than 1700 kilobytes of data in PDF format — are a chaotic jumble of typed memoranda, handwritten notes, correspondence, photocopies, extracts or transcripts from records of interview (often not clearly identified), and excerpts from Hansard, the National Times and Agenewspapers, and Penthouse magazine. Significant information is often tucked away in strange places, and I doubt if anyone has yet unearthed it all.

It is also difficult because much of the material, whether favourable or unfavourable to Murphy, reflects adversely on other individuals, many of them (unlike Murphy) still living. This, of course, is why the release of the Class A files was deferred until now.

Above all, it is difficult because it swamps us once again in the sensationalised nightmare of “the Murphy affair,” for which a few brief words of background are needed. On 6 February 1974, ten years before the publication in Melbourne of the “Age tapes,” the US Congress authorised a committee inquiry into whether president Richard Nixon should be impeached, thus raising the curtain on the final act of the Watergate drama. Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein had set a new standard of investigative journalism. Ten years later, a generation of younger Australian journalists were inspired by that standard. But where Woodward and Bernstein published nothing unless it had been objectively confirmed by two independent sources, the rapparees of “the Murphy affair” seized on each new allegation, however improbable, and rushed it into print without ever pausing to consider its credibility, let alone its context. To return in 2017 to what they wrought in the mid 1980s is deeply painful.

While some of the press response in the past few days has once again been “sensational,” the sensationalism this time around is likely to be short-lived, since there is little to give it oxygen. More importantly, some of the reaction has been notably more restrained. In particular, Paul Kelly’s article in the Weekend Australian of 16–17 September was admirably balanced and objective.

FOR THOSE WHO CAME IN LATE

On 22 February 1984, Justices Murphy and Deane dissented from the High Court decision upholding the conviction of Lindy Chamberlain for the murder of her daughter Azaria. Their judgements presaged the end of a shameful history of personal demonisation. But three weeks earlier, on 2 February 1984, the publication of the “Age tapes” had begun another such history with a different target.

A Senate committee established in March that year cleared Murphy of any allegations arising from the “Age tapes,” but received a fresh allegation from Clarrie Briese, the chief stipendiary magistrate for New South Wales. A second Senate committee, established in September, heard a further allegation from Judge Paul Flannery of the NSW District Court. The Briese and Flannery allegations related to the prosecution of Murphy’s solicitor friend Morgan Ryan for conspiracy in immigration matters. Both men reported conversations with Murphy that they now saw (in the context of the “Age tapes”) as possibly intended to influence the result of the Ryan prosecution — Briese because his position might have enabled him to put pressure on the magistrate hearing the committal proceedings, and Flannery because he was the presiding judge at Ryan’s trial.

On 5 July 1985, a jury acquitted Murphy of the Flannery allegation but convicted him of the Briese allegation. On 28 April 1986, a second jury acquitted him of the Briese allegation as well, and it looked as if Murphy’s troubles were over. But on 2 May an emergency meeting between chief justice Harry Gibbs and attorney-general Lionel Bowen resulted — perhaps through a misunderstanding — in the decision that a parliamentary commission of inquiry should review all possible allegations (except those from Briese and Flannery) in order to determine once and for all whether “any conduct” by Murphy might amount to the kind of “proved misbehaviour” that would trigger his removal from the bench.

On 31 July 1986, Murphy announced that he was dying of cancer. The work of the commission was immediately halted, and its constituent statute repealed. Murphy died on 21 October 1986.

It was said at the time that the commission had assembled forty-two allegations; it now appears that there were only forty-one. It was said that the team of counsel assisting the commission had identified fourteen allegations as needing investigation; it now appears that there was a fifteenth, which had only just been identified and had not been served on the judge. For most of the remaining twenty-six allegations, counsel had decided either that what was alleged could not possibly constitute “misbehaviour” or that it was unsupported by evidence. For a few of the allegations, no decision had yet been made.

All of these decisions had been taken only by counsel assisting the commission. In their final report in September 1986 the three commissioners emphasised that they themselves had made “no findings of fact,” and had “therefore formed no conclusions or opinions whether any conduct of the Judge has been such as to amount to proved misbehaviour.”

Since most of the forty-one allegations released last week are not in fact new, their release in fact adds very little to our knowledge. I have written about many of them before, especially in my chapter in the 1987 book Lionel Murphy: A Radical Judge (edited by Jocelynne Scutt) and in an entry on “The Murphy Affair” in the Oxford Companion to the High Court of Australia. In particular, my chapter in the Scutt book includes detailed analyses or deconstructions of what are now Allegation 2 (the Lewington matter, pages 236–37), Allegation 18 (the Jegorow matter, pages 231–33), Allegation 19 (the Paris Theatre matter, page 233) and Allegation 26 (the Yuen matter, pages 230–31). In addition, the reasons why no reliable conclusions can be drawn from the illegally recorded “Age tapes” — or rather, from the transcripts of the actual tapes, which in most cases had been destroyed — are summarised on pages 233–35 by reference to the fuller analysis set out in the Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Alleged Telephone Interceptions, usually known as the Stewart Report.

Accordingly, I will confine myself here to reviewing some of the material relating to three of the more disreputable characters in what is now a cast of thousands. This review deals with seven of the fourteen allegations initially listed for hearing, and eleven of the twenty-six allegations not listed for hearing. Although it is far from being a comprehensive account of the material released on 14 September, it appears to me to be a representative sample.

MORGAN RYAN

The “Age tapes” came into existence because NSW police were illegally tapping Morgan Ryan’s phone; the recording of his conversations with Murphy was only an unexpected by-product. At least eight of the fourteen allegations initially selected for hearing involved the relationship with Ryan, along with at least another eight of those not so selected.

Ryan had indisputably close associations with many of Sydney’s most notorious underworld figures, notably including nightclub owner and property developer Abe Saffron; and most of the recurring allegations that Ryan himself was directly involved in criminal conspiracies were probably also accurate. The mere fact that the “Age tapes” linked the names of Ryan and Murphy was therefore enough to give rise to an appearance of guilt by association.

But Murphy’s connection with Ryan had primarily been a professional working relationship between barrister and solicitor. At his first jury trial, Murphy gave evidence that although he was frequently briefed by Ryan during the 1950s, it happened less frequently thereafter; and that after having no contact for several years, they were brought together again in 1976 by the case of Sankey v Whitlam.

In that case, the Sydney solicitor Danny Sankey brought a private prosecution against Gough Whitlam and three of his ministers (Murphy, Rex Connor and Jim Cairns) on two charges arising out of “the Khemlani loans affair”: a statutory charge and a common law charge. Ryan was the solicitor for Cairns. On 9 November 1978, a High Court bench (not including Murphy or Barwick) unanimously held that the statutory charge had no basis in law; and on 16 February 1979, a magistrate found that there was “no case to answer” on the remaining common law charge. The conversations between Ryan and Murphy supposedly reproduced in the “Age tapes” took place primarily in the aftermath of that prosecution.

One of the allegations selected for hearing came directly out of that context: Allegation 20 was said to involve discussions of possible vengeance against David Rofe QC, who had acted as Sankey’s counsel. It was alleged that on 31 March 1979, and again on 7 February 1980, Murphy “did urge or encourage Morgan Ryan to cause harm to David Rofe.” Yet the Stewart Report had dismissed the conversations “as not being of any significance,” as had the Director of Public Prosecutions. Counsel assisting the parliamentary commission conceded that in fact the conversations “are vague”:

It may be that they can be construed as an attempt by the judge to instigate Ryan to bring about some misadventure to Rofe QC. The conversations can certainly be seen as “unseemly.” As they stand, however, it does not seem that they are capable of amounting to misbehaviour in and of themselves.

Three other allegations involving Ryan were also listed for hearing. Two of them involved incidents said to have happened after repeated questions in the NSW parliament about Ryan’s involvement in illegal immigration, and also in an alleged agreement with Murray Farquhar (Briese’s predecessor as chief stipendiary magistrate) for summary trial and lenient sentencing in a drug case (“the Cessna-Milner case”). Allegation 24 was that Murphy, in a conversation with Ryan’s wife, had said that Ryan should have an MP announce in the NSW parliament that he had made inquiries about Ryan and that Ryan had come up “smelling like a rose.” As to this, the commission’s counsel were sceptical: if such a suggestion was in fact made, it might have been “no more than a joke.” In any event, it “does not seem to us to be capable of amounting to misbehaviour in the relevant sense.” It was listed for hearing only because it “could conceivably be the subject of cross-examination.”

Allegation 23 was that Murphy had agreed to arrange a meeting between Ryan and an MP, Milton Morris, at which Ryan would ask Morris to intervene with the leader of the opposition, John Mason, asking Mason not to continue his attacks on Ryan. Ryan apparently hoped to put pressure on Morris by threatening him with exposure of his involvement in a tax avoidance scheme. Counsel were sceptical of this story, too: “It is plain that the judge has not aided and abetted, counselled or procured the commission of the offence of blackmail. Nor has he entered into any conspiracy with Morgan Ryan in relation to it.”

This allegation was listed for hearing primarily because Sergeant Paul Egge (one of the police responsible for tapping Ryan’s phone) had offered an explanation “which, if accepted, would implicate the judge in some form of conspiracy to commit blackmail, or at the least put him in the position of being an aider and abetter.” Yet counsel also noted that the Stewart Report had drawn “an adverse inference against the veracity of Egge in regard to this matter” and had also found that in fact “there was nothing whatever to blackmail Milton Morris about.”

Allegation 40, which was also listed for hearing, would have sought to challenge Murphy’s account of his relationship with Ryan by proving that the relationship was in fact much closer, and accordingly that in his evidence to the jury Murphy had been guilty of perjury. It is clear, however, that the attempt to establish a closer relationship was to depend on what might happen at a hearing: that is, on the possibility of eliciting damaging answers from Murphy by questioning him about allegations that were not themselves supported by sufficient evidence to warrant their selection for hearing.

For example, Allegation 4 was not to be listed for hearing; but because it involved trade in narcotics, the asking of questions about it might potentially have been used to suggest a connection not only with Ryan, but also with Saffron. The allegation was that Murphy, as attorney-general, had given favourable treatment to Ryan’s client Ramon Sala, who had been convicted of money smuggling and trafficking in narcotics. On conviction, the court had imposed a fine and ordered that Sala be deported. But after the fine was paid he was still in jail, and Ryan sent a telegram to the attorney-general’s department asking for his prompt release. After consulting the Customs service (who wanted Sala deported) and the Commonwealth Police (who wanted him detained), Murphy ordered not only that Sala be deported but that his French passport be returned to him (although the passport was now known to be false).

Allegation 4 was not listed for hearing, partly because it had been exhaustively explored at Murphy’s first jury trial, with no significant result. In any event, Murphy’s decision was clearly within his power under the Migration Act 1958, and reflected his consistently “strong concern” that people should not be kept in prison for longer than necessary. Counsel made it clear that, at least in this instance, any suggestion of a possible connection with Saffron should be dismissed as “remote.”

Allegation 19 concerned the transcript of a phone call on 20 March 1979, in which Murphy apparently insisted on reading Ryan a passage from a story about the Paris Theatre in that morning’s Sydney Morning Herald. He insisted that the story was “important” and that Ryan “should know” about it. In fact, as I pointed out in the Scutt book (page 233), what Murphy was insisting that Ryan “should know” was that Jim Cairns and Junie Morosi were seeking to use the theatre for a series of public lectures and screenings. It was therefore “obvious” (I wrote) “why Murphy was interested in the story, and why he thought that Ryan ought to be aware of it also.” But an account of the incident in the National Times on 20 September 1985 made no mention of Cairns or Morosi, and instead suggested that Murphy and Ryan were jointly engaged in a dubious real estate venture.

Nothing in the released material suggests any awareness that the conversation was actually concerned with the latest activities of Cairns and Morosi. It appears to have been interpreted rather as a possible reference to corporate interests associated with Saffron. Nevertheless, the allegation was not to be listed for hearing, since it was “impossible to spell… out of the alleged conversation” any “allegation of criminal behaviour or other misconduct which would be capable of amounting to misbehaviour.” Here again, the proposal that Murphy be questioned on this story was intended to elicit evidence of Murphy’s association with Ryan, and possibly also with Saffron.

ABE SAFFRON

Much of the more sensational media coverage of “the Murphy affair” over the years has sought to link Murphy’s name to that of Saffron, and three of the allegations selected for hearing are dependent on such a link. Allegation 25 would have sought to establish that Murphy (in response to a request from Ryan) made approaches to “persons in a position to influence” the decision, attempting to secure a contract for the remodelling of Sydney’s Central Railway Station for a company possibly owned by Saffron, or at least having his nephew as a member. Allegation 27 would have sought to establish that Murphy (again in a response to a request from Ryan) made approaches to Neville Wran on behalf of Saffron, attempting to secure a lease of Luna Park to a company possibly owned by Saffron, or at least having his son as a member. Allegation 11 would have sought to establish (apparently on the basis of a statement given by James McCartney Anderson, himself a notorious underworld figure whose testimony was hardly reliable) that, early in the Sankey prosecution, Murphy agreed with Ryan and Saffron that Saffron would try to persuade Sankey to withdraw the prosecution (presumably by intimidation).

In addition, Allegation 5 was that Murphy (as attorney-general) had given a direction back in 1974 that Customs surveillance of Saffron should be downgraded and that his baggage should not be searched. This last allegation, however, was not listed for hearing, since in 1984 a joint investigation by senior officers of the Customs service, the Australian Federal Police and the attorney-general’s department had concluded that the decision to downgrade surveillance was reasonable and appropriate, and was probably made by the comptroller of Customs rather than the attorney-general.

All four of these allegations seem at first sight highly improbable. The allegation relating to Luna Park seems particularly doubtful. It was said to be based on something heard in the tap on Ryan’s phone; yet there was nothing in the transcripts of the “Age tapes” to support it, let alone any actual tape. The allegation depended primarily on oral evidence by Sergeant Paul Egge; and even he was relying on a transcript he had seen, rather than a conversation or tape he had heard. The allegation relating to Central Station also seems to have depended primarily on evidence from Egge.

And yet, if these allegations could be read in the context of a known association between Murphy and Saffron, all four of them would immediately be accepted as probable. Accordingly, and especially in the National Timeswhen “the Murphy affair” was at its height, a great deal of effort went into attempts to establish such a connection. In part these attempts depended simply on guilt by association: if Murphy was associated with Ryan and Ryan was associated with Saffron, then Murphy must be associated with Saffron. But some of these efforts were more specific, and are now reflected in several allegations not selected for hearing.

In particular, Allegation 3 would have sought to establish “a longstanding association” between Murphy and Saffron; that they were often together; that Murphy owned 5 per cent of the shares in Saffron’s Venus Room; and that Saffron or his associate Eric Jury provided women to Murphy for sex. The allegation was not listed for hearing, in part because when a representative of the commission “asked whether any link between Saffron and His Honour had been uncovered at any time by the NSW police,” he was told that, apart from the statement by McCartney Anderson, “no link between Saffron and His Honour had come to light.” A former associate of Saffron, James West, when questioned about Saffron’s connections, had said, “Well, Murphy is a, you probably know, Murphy’s Abe’s Man, that’s for sure,” but was unable to provide further particulars.

Again, Allegation 12 would have sought to establish that, together with Ryan and/or Saffron, Murphy was involved in an organisation for the illegal immigration of Filipinos and Koreans, and especially of Filipina women. But it was not listed for hearing because no evidence to support it could be found in any of the relevant files from the immigration department, nor in any of the extensive inquiries by the NSW police into the possible involvement of Ryan or of Saffron.

Finally, there were two particularly enigmatic examples of the unhelpfulness of the “Age tapes” — again not listed for hearing, but perhaps to be used as a basis for questions attempting to establish a closer connection between Murphy and Saffron. According to the transcript of the “Age tapes” for 7 February 1980, Ryan (in a phone call to Murphy) made a number of cryptic statements:

Well don’t forget every little breeze… Every little breeze to be told. That those other it’s very simple to three, when, if ever, and how’s it going to be done… The Lush or is it going to be the three, board of three… And don’t forget those pinball machines.

Murphy made only unresponsive replies like “Yeah, OK, terrific, right.” The statements were incoherent and apparently garbled and there was nothing to put them in context; but Allegation 21 would have treated the references to the “Lush” and the “board of three” as referring to the proposal of the Lusher Inquiry into New South Wales Police Administration for the establishment of a NSW Police Board, while Allegation 22 would have treated the reference to “pinball machines” as referring to the fact that Saffron’s son Allan was seeking to obtain the exclusive rights to import a particular type of pinball machine.

Neither allegation was listed for hearing because, even if the transcript was accurate, the quoted statements “consist only of cryptic references not capable of investigation as allegations of substance.” But counsel noted that, as with Allegation 19 (the Paris Theatre allegation), if Murphy were to be cross-examined in relation to Allegation 40 then these other allegations might provide a useful basis for questions which could help to establish a closer link between Murphy and Ryan, and possibly between Murphy and Saffron.

In fact, quite apart from the fact that the only real evidence of any link between Murphy and Saffron had come from McCartney Anderson, I argued in the Scutt book (page 231) that the transcripts from the “Age tapes” had themselves made it clear that no such link existed. The basis for Allegation 26 (the Yuen matter) was the transcript of a phone call from Ryan to Saffron, in which Ryan reported a phone call he said he had received from Murphy. The allegation was not listed for hearing, partly because it was unsupported by evidence: in particular, there was no record of Murphy in fact having made such a phone call.

The gist of this allegation was that Robert Yuen, a neighbour of Murphy’s, had told him that police had raided his illegal casino despite bribes to a senior policeman; and Murphy had rung Ryan to say, in part, “this is a disgraceful turnout… who is this fellow…? … I’ve a good mind to speak to N. about it.” But it was clear that, if Murphy did make such a call, he did so indignantly: “this fellow” could only be the senior policeman allegedly accepting bribes. What was even clearer, as I wrote in the Scutt book, was that in a series of phone calls between Ryan and Saffron over the next three days:

Saffron, in particular, is struggling to interpret Justice Murphy’s intervention without any basis in knowledge or understanding of Murphy’s attitudes or personality. (“I wonder what he meant by he doesn’t like him? In which respect? We have to work that out.”) It is clear, if the transcripts are roughly accurate, that Saffron is looking for ways in which Murphy might be appeased or dissuaded from further inquiry; it is equally clear that he is doing this with no personal knowledge of Murphy at all.

CHRISTO MOLL

At the time of Murphy’s friendship with Junie Morosi, and long before her later notorious relationship with Jim Cairns, she was married to David Ditchburn. It was Morosi who introduced Murphy to his wife-to-be, Ingrid.

Ditchburn was the Australian representative for Ethiopian Airlines. In that capacity, in 1971, he appointed Ingrid Murphy as a public relations consultant for the airline. This may have brought her into contact with Mrs W.A. McKenzie (formerly Mrs Murray Quartermaine).

As attorney-general, Murphy appointed 103 civil marriage celebrants, including W.A. McKenzie, U. Quartermaine, C.M. Ditchburn, Junie Morosi… and, intriguingly, an R.G. Withers, who shared a surname and initials with the Liberal senator who led the charge against the Whitlam government throughout 1975. He also appointed David Ditchburn to an unpaid position on the Film Board of Review.

While some of these appointments were controversial at the time, the only allegation arising from any of this was Allegation 7: that Ingrid, through her position with the airline, was entitled to free travel for herself and her family, and that she and Murphy twice availed themselves of that entitlement for overseas trips. The allegation was not listed for hearing because Ingrid’s entitlements were standard practice in the airline industry, and clearly extended to her husband. “Whatever view one may take as to the propriety of a law officer accepting free or discounted travel… the facts disclosed could not… amount to misbehaviour.”

But Ingrid’s contact with Mrs McKenzie may have brought her within the ambit of Mrs McKenzie’s former husband, Murray Quartermaine, and thus within the ambit of his former business partner Christo Moll — described in the commission’s papers as “a criminal who has fled the country and is wanted for questioning regarding matters of tax evasion, currency smuggling and diamond smuggling.”

From 1972 onwards, Moll was responsible for an elaborate scheme of tax avoidance, primarily for the benefit of medical practitioners in Western Australia. When the scheme was discovered many doctors were forced to pay large sums in additional tax, and some were driven into bankruptcy. But Moll himself had left Australia in 1982, apparently to escape a judgement against him secured (in a South African court) by his former business associate Quartermaine. In what apparently began as a plan for revenge against Quartermaine, Moll then began to forge a variety of documents, aimed first at Quartermaine himself and then at anyone within his ambit, including Ingrid and Lionel Murphy.

For example, Allegation 30 concerned a letter purportedly written by Dr Michael Tiller, a beneficiary (and ultimately a victim) of Moll’s tax avoidance scheme. The letter was addressed to Quartermaine, and said in part: “Can you arrange another meeting with Lionel Murphy as promised as you may be able to obtain his support or his advice.”

The allegation was not listed for hearing. Dr Tiller denied having written the letter, and was able to prove that he was away in Canada when the letter was written. He believed that the letter had been forged by Moll. The Australian Federal Police agreed, concluding that Moll’s animosity to Quartermaine had led him:

to cause the greatest possible mischief for him through the creation of false documents… No theory has been advanced… as to why Mr Justice Murphy and his wife may have been included in these possibly false documents other than the suggestion that he was a prominent public figure at that time.

A number of Moll’s stratagems seem to have come to the attention of the commission through Marshall Wilson and Steve Foley, formerly reporters for the Age, who had apparently met Moll in Europe in 1984. In Allegation 8, Moll told them that he had sold Ingrid Murphy a diamond, allegedly worth $7800. Apparently this was initially thought to need further investigation because it might suggest that Murphy had been given a secret commission, perhaps relating to prosecution for tax fraud. Nevertheless, the allegation was not listed for hearing. Moll had supplied the reporters with an alleged valuation of the diamond by a jeweller in Amsterdam, and also a cheque stub supposedly recording the purchase. But the cheque stub had clearly been doctored, and the Dutch jeweller insisted that invoices apparently signed by her had in fact been fabricated by Moll. Thus both documents appeared to be false, and there was “considerable doubt… whether the relevant diamond ever existed.”

Finally, Allegation 6 suggested that, in March 1975, an East German national named Jochen Zundermann had opened two safety deposit boxes in a Swiss bank, one for Murphy and Gough Whitlam and one for Murphy and Junie Morosi (who was said to hold the key to both boxes). It was also said that 400 shares in the bank (supposedly worth $700,000) had been allotted to Murphy. The timing coincided with that of the Khemlani loans affair; and if Zundermann was party to a conspiracy relating to the loans affair… and if Murphy had a deposit box in a Swiss bank… and if the box could be opened… it seems to have been thought that the box might turn out to contain evidence linking Murphy to that conspiracy. In 1976 R.J. Ellicott (as attorney-general) had in fact initiated inquiries into the loans affair, in which Zundermann’s name featured.

But this allegation also was made by Moll and had reached the commission through Wilson and Foley. They were able to produce photocopies of Swiss bank documents supposedly proving the allegation, claiming that some unknown person (presumably Moll) had left the photocopies under their hotel door. But the photocopies may have been forgeries — and whether they were first produced in 1975 by Zundermann, or more recently by Moll, everything that was known about both Moll and Zundermann appeared to make that more likely. A decision was made to ask the Swiss government whether the photocopies were genuine, but before that could be done the commission’s inquiries were terminated.

Lionel Keith Murphy

http://lionelmurphy.anu.edu.au/lionel_murphy.htm

Lionel Keith Murphy QC (30 August 1922 – 21 October 1986) was an Australian politician and judge. He was a Senator for New South Wales from 1962 to 1975, serving as Attorney-General in the Whitlam Government, and then sat on the High Court from 1975 until his death.

Murphy was born in Sydney, and attended Sydney Boys High School before going on to the University of Sydney. He initially graduated with a degree in chemistry, but then went on to Sydney Law School and eventually became a barrister. He specialised in labour and industrial law, and took silk in 1960. Murphy was elected to the Senate at the 1961 federal election, as a member of the Labor Party. He became Leader of the Opposition in the Senate in 1967.

Following Labor's victory at the 1972 federal election, Gough Whitlam appointed Murphy as Attorney-General and Minister for Customs and Excise. He oversaw a number of reforms, establishing the Family Court of Australia, the Law Reform Commission, and the Australian Institute of Criminology, and developing the Family Law Act 1975, which fully established no-fault divorce. In 1975, following the death of Douglas Menzies, Murphy was appointed to the High Court. He is the most recent politician to be elevated to the court.

On the court, Murphy was known for his radicalism and judicial activism. However, his final years were marred by persistent allegations of corruption. He was convicted of perverting the course of justice in 1985, but had the conviction overturned on appeal and was acquitted at a second trial. In 1986, a commission was established to determine whether he was fit to remain on the court, but it was abandoned when Murphy announced that he was suffering from terminal cancer.

Early Life and Education

Murphy was the youngest of five sons, and sixth of seven children of William (b. Tipperary, Ireland) and Lily Murphy (née Murphy). He was born and grew up in Sydney.  Though the Murphy household was Irish Catholic, albeit estranged from the Church, Murphy became a humanist and rationalist.

He was educated at government schools in Sydney's south-eastern suburbs, including Kensington Public School in Kensington, where he was dux after repeating his final year in 1935, and Sydney Boys High School from 1936–40 in the nearby Surry Hills, graduating with A levels in English, Mathematics, and Chemistry and B levels in Physics and French.^[1] After completing his secondary education, in 1941, Murphy matriculated to the University of Sydney, though he had not been successful in gaining a university scholarship awarded to the top 100 in the state.^[1] In 1945, after initially ordinary scholastic performance and a brief period of consideration of transferring to study a Bachelor of Arts to major in psychology in the Faculty of Arts, Murphy excelled in his final year, graduating from the School of Chemistry, Faculty of Science with a Bachelor of Science with Honours in Organic Chemistry. In 1943, he had commenced working in the chemistry industry, thereby coming under the authority of the wartime Manpower Directorate.

In 1945, Murphy commenced studying law at the Sydney Law School of the University of Sydney and, in 1949, graduated with a Bachelor of Laws with Honours.^[1]While at the University of Sydney, during both his science and law degrees, Murphy was politically and socially active and was involved in the Students' Chemistry Society, the Junior Science Association, and the Science Association. In 1944, in his third year of his science degree, Murphy was elected to the Students' Representative Council but was dismissed two hours after his election victory, on a "constitutional technicality". This event is said to have cemented his interest in politics and law, and he commenced participating in the university's debating society and its monthly debates the following year.

Legal Career

Unusually, two years prior to his graduating with and possessing a law degree, Murphy passed the Barristers' Admission Board examination and was admitted to the New South Wales Bar Association in 1947. After graduating from the University of Sydney Faculty of Law, Murphy took up residence in University Chambers, Phillip Street and then moved to the fourth floor of Wentworth Chambers and rapidly established himself as a labour/industrial lawyer, representing left-wing unionists.

In 1960, he took silk.

Parliamentary Career

A member of the Australian Labor Party from an early age, he was elected to the Australian Senate in 1961; and, in 1967, he was elected Opposition Leader in the Senate. In the Senate pre-selection convention in the Sydney Trades Hall in April 1960, with backing from Ray Gietzelt (but lacking factional endorsement) and with the luck of drawing first in addressing the delegates, Murphy won support with an impassioned but well-structured and infectiously optimistic seven-minute speech on the Labor Party's historical commitment to civil liberties and human rights.

Attorney-Generalship

In 1969, Labor Leader Gough Whitlam appointed him Shadow Attorney-General; and, when Labor won the 1972 election, he became Attorney-General and Minister for Customs and Excise.

One of Murphy's more dramatic actions as Attorney-General was his unannounced visit to the Melbourne headquarters of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) in March 1973. This came about because ASIO officers were unable to satisfy his requests for information concerning intelligence on supposed terrorist groups operated by Croatian Australians. Murphy's concern about the matter was heightened by the impending visit to Australia of the Yugoslav Prime Minister Džemal Bijedić. ASIO officers claimed not to be able to locate the file with which to properly brief Murphy. Murphy's belief was that though a security service was an important part of the Australian social fabric, like any other arm of executive government it must be accountable to the relevant Minister. According to journalist George Negus, then Murphy's press secretary: "Lionel had asked for the files of the six most dangerous or subversive people in Australia". When they arrived, Murphy found they were of several Communist Party unionists and people such as CPA leader and peace movement activist Mavis Robertson… When he told Whitlam they both laughed.

Murphy was highly involved in the behind-the-scenes machinations and parliamentary debates around the appointment of DLP Senator Vince Gair as Ambassador to Ireland in 1974 (see Gair Affair), which preceded Whitlam's calling of a double dissolution election for May 1974.

Murphy's most important legislative achievement was the Family Law Act 1975, which completely overhauled Australia's law on divorce and other family law matters, establishing the principle of "no-fault" divorce, in the face of opposition from the Roman Catholic Church and many other individuals and organisations. This act also established the Family Court of Australia.

Murphy used an existing provision of the Marriage Act 1961 (Section 39C) to establish the Civil Marriage Celebrant program. Using this provision he appointed about a hundred Civil Celebrants and urged them to provide marriage ceremonies of dignity, meaning and substance for non-church people. It was an initiative opposed by the Australian Labor Party, the public servants of his department and his personal staff. Although it was a radical move at the time, the program proved to be very successful. In 2015 74.9% of marrying couples in Australia chose a civil marriage celebrant to officiate. The program broadened into the challenge of secular funerals of substance, namings and other ceremonies which celebrated the landmarks in human existence. Murphy took an enthusiastic interest in this program - sending telegrams of congratulation to the first several hundred couples married by civil celebrants and would often unexpectedly turn up uninvited to weddings performed by celebrants to delight in his achievement.

As Attorney-General, Murphy drew up a Human Rights Bill (which lapsed with the double dissolution of 1974) giving as amongst the reasons: "in criminal law, our protections against detention for interrogation and unreasonable search and seizure, for access to counsel and to ensure the segregation of different categories of prisoners are inadequate. Australian laws on the powers of the police, the rights of an accused person and the state of the penal system generally are unsatisfactory. Our privacy laws are vague and ineffective. There are few effective constraints on the gathering of information, or its disclosure, or surveillance, against unwanted publicity by government, the media or commercial organisations". Murphy also introduced important legislation substantially abolishing appeals to the Privy Council, removing censorship, providing freedom of access to government information, reforming corporations and trade practices law, protecting the environment, abolishing the death penalty and outlawing racial and other discrimination.

Furthermore, Murphy established a systematic legal aid service for all courts, set up the Australian Law Reform Commission (and appointed Michael Kirby to be its inaugural chairman), the Australian Institute of Criminologyand took the French Government to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to protest against its nuclear tests in the Pacific. The French government conducted 41 atmospheric nuclear tests at Mururoa after 1966, formally ceasing atmospheric nuclear testing in 1974 as a result of public pressure facilitated by Murphy's ICJ case.

n February 1975, Whitlam appointed Murphy to a vacancy on the High Court of Australia. He was the first serving Labor politician appointed to the Court since Dr. H. V. Evatt in 1931 and the appointment was bitterly criticised. He resigned from the Senate on 9 February 1975 to take up the appointment. Murphy was the last High Court justice to have served as a Member of Parliament, and the last politician appointed to the High Court. Additionally, Murphy was one of only eight justices of the High Court to have served in the Parliament of Australiaprior to his appointment to the Court, along with Edmund Barton, Richard O'Connor, Isaac Isaacs, H. B. Higgins, Edward McTiernan, John Latham, and Garfield Barwick.

Although it did not become a constitutional requirement until 1977, it had been long-standing convention that a Senate casual vacancy be filled by a person from the same political party. However, on 27 February 1975, the Premier of New South Wales, Tom Lewis, controversially appointed Cleaver Bunton, a person with no political affiliations, to replace Murphy in the Senate, beginning the chain of events which led to the 1975 Australian constitutional crisis. These events in turn laid the groundwork for the 1977 constitutional change that now ensures such an appointment can never be repeated. Soon after his appointment to the bench, Murphy visited Justice Menzies' old chambers in Taylor Square, which would now be his. Staring at the volumes of British law reports on the shelves behind his desk, he said, "I want all of these to go". He replaced them with decisions from the Supreme Court of the United States.

Key judicial quotes

Australian Aboriginal history:

“

The history of the Aboriginal people of Australia since European settlement is that they have been the subject of unprovoked aggression, conquest, pillage, rape, brutalization, attempted genocide and systematic and unsystematic destruction of their culture…a law aimed at the preservation, or the uncovering, of evidence about their history is a special law with respect to the people of this race.

”

Freedom of religion:

“

Religious freedom is a fundamental theme of our society. That freedom has been asserted by men and women throughout history by resisting the attempts of government, through its legislative, executive or judicial branches, to define or impose beliefs or practices of religion. Whenever the legislature prescribes what religion is, or permits or requires the executive or judiciary to determine what religion is, this poses a threat to religious freedom. Religious discrimination by officials or by courts is unacceptable in a free society… In the eyes of the law, religions are equal. There is no religious club with a monopoly of State privileges for its members. The policy of the law is "one in, all in".

”

“

The faith of members of various religions has inspired concern for others which has often been reflected in humanitarian and charitable works. However, the claim to be the one true faith has resulted in great intolerance and persecution. Because of this, the history of many religions includes a ghastly record of persecution and torture of non-believers. Hundreds of millions of people have been slaughtered in the name of god, love and peace. In the effort to uphold "the one true faith" courts have often been instruments for the repression of blasphemers, heretics and witches…Most organized religions have been riddled with commercialism, this being an integral part of the drive by their leaders for social authority and power in conformity with the "iron law of oligarchy".

”

Freedom of speech:

“

The absence of a constitutional guarantee does not mean that Australia should accept judicial inroads upon freedom of speech which are not found necessary or desirable in other countries. At stake is not merely the freedom of one person; it is the freedom of everyone to comment rightly or wrongly on the decisions of the courts in a way that does not constitute a clear and present danger to the administration of justice.

”

Trial by jury:

“

The Constitution s.80 states: "The trial on indictment of any offence against any law of the Commonwealth shall be by jury…" This Court has construed this section to mean that if there be no indictment there must be a jury but there is nothing to compel procedure by indictment…In a famous dissent Dixon and Evatt JJ described this construction as a mockery of the Constitution and considered that anyone charged with any serious offence against the laws of the Commonwealth was entitled to trial by jury (Lowenstein (1938) 59 CLR 556, 582).

”

“

The jury is a strong antidote to the elitist tendencies of the legal system. It is "the means by which the people participate in the administration of justice" (Jackson v the Queen (1976) 134 CLR 42 at 54). The greatest respect should be given by appeal courts to jury verdicts and any attempt to downgrade the jury to a mere nominal or symbolic role should be restricted.[24]

Preservation of the world's natural heritage:

“

Suppose that in the next few decades, because of the continuing rapid depletion of the world's forests and its effect on the rest of the biosphere, the survival of all living creatures becomes endangered. This is not a fanciful supposition… Suppose the United Nations were to request all nations to do whatever they could to preserve the existing forests. Let us assume that no obligation was created (because firewood was essential for the immediate survival of people of some nations). I would have no doubt that the Australian Parliament could, under the external affairs power, comply with that request by legislating to prevent the destruction of any forest.

”

“

The world's cultural and natural heritage is, of its own nature, part of Australia's external affairs. It is the heritage of Australians, as part of humanity, as well as the heritage of those where the items happen to be.

”

• Constitutional prohibition of slavery:

“

It would not be constitutionally permissible for the Parliament of Australia or any of the States to create or authorize slavery or serfdom. The reason lies in the nature of our Constitution. It is a Constitution for a free society.

”

Constitutional prohibition on civil conscription for medical or dental services:

“

The Australian Constitution "contains an implication of a free society which limits Parliament's authority to impose civil conscription".

”

Common heritage of humanity:

“

The preservation of the world's heritage must not be looked at in isolation but as part of the co-operation between nations which is calculated to achieve intellectual and moral solidarity of mankind and so reinforce the bonds between people which promote peace and displace those of narrow nationalism and alienation which promote war… The encouragement of people to think internationally, to regard the culture of their own country as part of world culture, to conceive a physical, spiritual and intellectual world heritage, is important in the endeavour to avoid the destruction of humanity.

”

Theory of class struggle:

“

Public statements that the courts are involved in the class struggle may tend to impair confidence in the courts (and amount to criminal contempt on the Dunbabin standard) but do not constitute any clear and present danger to the administration of justice. If all those who advocate that the courts are involved in the class struggle were to be imprisoned for criminal contempt there would not be enough gaols.

”

Right to vote:

“

Section 41 is one of the few guarantees of the rights of persons in the Australian Constitution. It should be given the purposive interpretation which accords with its plain words, with its context of other provisions of unlimited duration, and its contrast with transitional provisions. Constitutions are to be read broadly and not pedantically. Guarantees of personal rights should not be read narrowly. A right to vote is so precious that it should not[be] read out of the constitution by implication. Rather every reasonable presumption and interpretation should be adopted which favours the right of people to participate in the elections of those who represent them."[31]

”

Privilege against self-incrimination:

“

The privilege against compulsory self-incrimination is part of the common law of human rights. It is based on the desire to protect personal freedom and human dignity. These social values justify the impediment the privilege presents to judicial or other investigation… It is society's acceptance of the inviolability of the human personality… The history and reasons for the privilege do not justify its extension to artificial persons such as corporations or political entities.

”

“

Because the privilege is such an important human right, an intent to exclude or qualify the privilege will not be imputed to a legislature unless the intent is conveyed in unmistakable language.

”

Legal professional privilege:

“

The privilege is commonly described as legal professional privilege, which is unfortunate, because it suggests that the privilege is that of the members of the legal profession, which it is not. It is the client's privilege, so that it may be waived by the client, but not by the lawyer… Its rationale is no longer the oath and honour of the lawyer as a gentleman… It is now supported as a "necessary corollary of fundamental, constitutional or human rights".[34]

”

Acquisition of property on just terms:

“

…the extinction or limitation of property rights does not amount to acquisition. The transfer of property from one person to another, not the Commonwealth, does not amount to an acquisition within par. xxxi. Unless the Commonwealth gains some property from the State or person, there is no acquisition within the paragraph."

”

Control of multinational corporations:

“

There may be circumstances where Australia's relationship with persons or groups who are not nation States, is part of external affairs. The existence of powerful transnational corporations, international trade unions and other groups who can affect Australia, means that Australia's external affairs, as a matter of practicality, are not confined to relations with other nation states.”

Court Cases and Death

In July 1985, during the term of the Hawke Labor government, Murphy was convicted on one of two charges of attempting to pervert the course of justice, over allegations made by Clarrie Briese, the Chief Magistrate of New South Wales, that Murphy had attempted to influence a court case against Sydney lawyer Morgan Ryan, whom Murphy referred to as "my little mate". A subsequent appeal to the NSW Court of Appeals quashed Murphy's conviction on the grounds that the trial judge had misdirected the jury. A second trial was then held and, on 28 April 1986, Murphy was found not guilty of attempting to pervert the course of justice. After his acquittal, Murphy said, "Thank God for the jury system!”

Attorney-General Lionel Bowen, acting on what he said was his belief that the Justices of the High Court were minded to take some independent action to assess Justice Murphy's fitness to return to the Court, introduced legislation for a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry, constituted by three retired judges, to examine "whether any conduct of the Honourable Lionel Keith Murphy has been such as to amount, in its opinion, to proved misbehaviour within the meaning of section 72 of the Constitution". (Section 72 specifies that a High Court judge may be removed only by the Governor-General and both houses of Parliament "on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity".) The terms of this inquiry specifically excluded the issues for which Murphy had already been tried and acquitted.

The legislation establishing the Commission of Inquiry received assent in May 1986. In July, Murphy announced that he was dying of terminal cancer, and the establishing legislation was repealed. That repeal legislation vested control of the Commission's documents in the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President of the Senate. Murphy returned to the Court for one week of sittings. He died on 21 October 1986.

Personal Life

Murphy had a distinctive profile and a large nose that was broken in a 1950 car accident in England and left largely untreated.

In July 1954, he married Russian-born Nina Morrow (née Vishegorodsky; known as Svidersky), a comptometrist, at St John's Church in Darlinghurst, Sydney. Their daughter, Lorel Katherine, was born in 1955. In 1967, Murphy's marriage to Nina ended in divorce.

In 1969, Murphy married Ingrid Gee (née Grzonkowski), a model and television quiz-show compère who had been born in German-occupied Poland. They had two sons, Cameron and Blake. Cameron was President of the New South Wales Council for Civil Liberties from 1999 to 2013. Ingrid died in October 2007

Legacy

In addition to his work as a legislator, Murphy also took a lifelong interest in science. Having first studied science, then law, at the University of Sydney, Justice Michael Kirby identified Murphy's later scientific reading as "a positive influence on his approach to jurisprudence".

"Lionel Murphy SNR"

N86 is a nitrogen-abundant supernova remnant (SNR) N86 in the Large Magellanic Cloud. It was dubbed the "Lionel-Murphy SNR" by astronomers at the Australian National University's Mount Stromlo Observatory in acknowledgement of Murphy's interest in science and because of SNR N86's perceived resemblance to a Canberra Times cartoonist's depiction of his large nose (prior to surgery), and a picture was hung in his office.

A supernova remnant (SNR) results from the gigantic explosion of a star, the resulting supernova expelling much or all of the stellar material with velocities as much as 1% the speed of light and forming a shock wave that can heat the gas up to temperatures as high as 10 million K, forming a plasma.

Murphy normally rejected public honours (such as a knighthood) but accepted this because of the symbolic resemblance to his own impact on human rights in Australian law and its lasting significance as a "signpost" to space travellers.^[41] Murphy asked for a large mounted photo of SNR N86 from the scientific paper and placed it in his High Court chambers in the place where the other High Court justices usually hung a portrait of the Queen.

Lionel Murphy Foundation

The Lionel Murphy Foundation was co-founded by Gough Whitlam, Neville Wran, and Ray Gietzelt in 1986. It funds postgraduate scholarships for students who "intend to pursue a postgraduate degree in science, law or legal studies, or other appropriate discipline" with a commitment to social justice.

Judicial philosophy and legacy

Mary Gaudron, who herself would become a justice of the High Court, stated at Lionel Murphy's Memorial Service at Sydney Town Hall: "There are so many words — reformist, radical, humanitarian, civil libertarian, egalitarian, democrat — they are all abstractions. My words are no better; but, for me, and perhaps for those of us who believe in justice based on practical equality, Lionel Murphy was — Lionel Murphy is — the electric light of the Law. He would take an ordinary old abstraction — like equal justice — he would expose it, he would illuminate the abstraction, he would make its form stark, and so he could then say as he did in McInnis' case, these words:^[45] "Where the kind of trial a person receives depends on the amount of money he or she has, there is no equal justice".

Legal academic Jack Goldring concluded that Murphy's approach as a High Court judge was "marked by a number of features: a strong nationalism conceding and welcoming the existence of States as political (albeit subsidiary) entities; a stalwart belief in democracy and parliamentary rule; a firm support for civil liberties; and overall a 'constitutionalism' in the classical, liberal sense of seeing a constitution as not simply a legal document, but rather as a set of values shared by the community".

Justice of the High Court of Australia

Lionel Keith Murphy was in office as a Justice of the High Court of Australia from 10^th February 1975 to 21^st October 1986, having been nominated by Gough Whitlam and appointed by Sir John Kerr.

Attorney General of Australia

Lionel Keith Murphy was in office as the Australian Labor Party Attorney General of Australian from the 19th December 1972 to  10th February 1975, and operated under Prime Minister Gogh Whitlam.

Senator for New South Wales

Lionel Keith Murphy was a Senator for New South Wales

from 1 July 1962 – 10 February 1975

Justice of the High Court of Australia
In office 10 February 1975 – 21 October 1986
Nominated by	Gough Whitlam
Appointed by	Sir John Kerr
Preceded by	Sir Douglas Menzies
Succeeded by	John Toohey
Attorney-General of Australia
In office 19 December 1972 – 10 February 1975
Prime Minister	Gough Whitlam
Preceded by	Gough Whitlam
Succeeded by	Kep Enderby
Senator for New South Wales
In office 1 July 1962 – 10 February 1975
Succeeded by	Cleaver Bunton
Personal details
Born	30 August 1922 Kensington, New South Wales, Australia
Died	21 October 1986 (aged 64) Canberra, Australian Capital Territory, Australia
Political party	Labor
Spouse(s)	Nina Morrow Ingrid Gee (née Grzonkowski)

Lionel Murphy was an extraordinary Australian. He served at the highest level in the three branches of national government in Australia. He was a leading barrister, parliamentarian and judge. He initiated major reforms of the law. But to the friends who remember him, he was a warm, gregarious, engaging personality. His mind was brimming over with ideas – many of them derived from sources far distant from his principal discipline of the law. It is said of the law that it narrows the mind by sharpening its focus. If this is generally true, it did not happen in Lionel Murphy’s case.

Lionel Murphy was born on 30 August 1922 in Sydney. He was educated at the Sydney High School and at the University of Sydney. At the University, he took the then very unusual combination of the Bachelor of Science degree as well as the Bachelor of Laws. He had a lifelong interest in science, which he cultivated by wide reading. This took his mind into many otherwise unvisited areas of activity. It freed it from being captured by well-worn legal assumptions.

After graduation, Lionel Murphy was admitted to the New South Wales Bar in 1947. He was an instant success. His practice was wide-ranging, but the work in which he attained acknowledged leadership included many leading cases before the Industrial Courts and Tribunals, Federal and State. His distinction in the practice of the law was acknowledged in 1958 by his appointment as Queen’s Counsel.

Lionel Murphy had a life-long commitment to human rights. He was a member of the Executive of the Australian Section of the International Commission of Jurists from 1963. He also played an active part in the work of the New South Wales Council for Civil Liberties, appearing in court for the CCL in several worthy cases.

In 1962, Lionel Murphy was elected a senator for New South Wales in the interests of the Australian Labor Party. In the Senate, he rose to be Leader of the Opposition (1967-72). Upon the election of the Whitlam Government in 1972, he was elected Leader of the government in the Senate. He was appointed Attorney-General and Minister for Customs and Excise. He held these positions until 1975 when he resigned upon his appointment as a Justice of the High Court of Australia.

During Lionel Murphy’s parliamentary years, he also served as a member of the Federal Executive and Federal Conference of the Australian Labor Party (1967-75). He took part in the Australian delegation to the United Nations Conference on Human Rights in Teheran in 1968. In 1973-74, he led the Australian legal team representing Australia’s interests before the International Court of Justice in the successful challenge to the French nuclear tests in the Pacific.

Whilst in Parliament, and particularly as Attorney-General, Lionel Murphy initiated numerous reforms of federal law. He was the Minister responsible for the introduction and passage of the Family Law Act, the Trade Practices Act and many other reforming statutes. He took a leading part in the establishment of federal legal aid. On his initiative, the Australian Parliament established the Australian Law Reform Commission in which he continued, to the end, to take a keen interest.

In the High Court of Australia, to which he was appointed in February 1975, Lionel Murphy rose eventually to be one of the most senior judges. For a time, he served as Acting Chief Justice of Australia. But he never allowed his high judicial office to deflect him from his original and questioning approach to the law, its assumptions, doctrine and institutions. He refused to accept any civil honour. During his eleven years on the High Court, he wrote 632 decisions. In 137 of these, he was in dissent. This represents an average of nearly 22% dissenting opinions, much higher than any previous High Court Justice before, or since. Such a figure put him in the league of dissenting judges in the United States of America. Although at the time, many of his dissenting opinions were regarded by the legal profession as heresy, with the passage of time, they have commanded more attention. Many of the ideas which Lionel Murphy expressed, in dissent, or with the majority, as a Justice of the High Court, have come to influence, or to be reflected in, later High Court opinions. These include his vision of an independent Australian common law, freed from unquestioning captivity to English common law precedent, his notion of implied constitutional rights, inherent in the very democratic structure of the Australian Constitution, his defence of agitators, undefended prisoners and others in special need of protection of their civil liberties, and his insistence that the common law could be a proper vehicle for reform and legitimate change.

Lionel Murphy’s last years were full of stress. He was charged with and convicted of an offence under the Crimes Act 1914 (Cth). However, the conviction was set aside by the New South Wales Court of Appeal. Upon the retrial, he was acquitted by the jury. He returned to his duties on the High Court. But he was to face a battle with cancer which he could not win. He returned to the Court to deliver his last judgments (including dissents) on the day before he died. His death occurred on 21 October 1986. His powerful intellect and major impact on Australia’s institutions continue to influence our national life.

Beyond these public things, Lionel Murphy’s memory is kept alive by his children, Cameron and Blake, and the legion of his admirers in Australia and overseas. They know that the world is a better place for Lionel Murphy’s life and many achievements. The scholars assisted by the Lionel Murphy Foundation will, by their lives and contributions, give continuing testimony to the enduring legacy of this remarkable man.

*High Court Justice, and former President of the New South Wales Court of Appeal; former President of the International Commission of Jurists.

 

Lionel Murphy papers: the allegations the inquiry wanted answering

 

The judge who became attorney general was under investigations over tenders, bribery and breaching duties to court

Lionel Murphy files: secret papers reveal allegations of links to Abe Saffron

                 

https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/sep/14/lionel-murphy-papers-the-allegations-the-inquiry-wanted-answering

Lionel Murphy, left, with jockey Athol Mulley, Eric Miller QC and Morgan Ryan, after charges against Mulley had been dismissed

A 1986 parliamentary commission of inquiry inquiring into Justice Lionel Murphy’s conduct identified 15 allegations it believed worth investigating. They are described here. Of those 15, Murphy was sent 14 for a response. The commission investigated 41 allegations in total but did not make findings as the commission was wound up due to Murphy’s terminal illness. The allegations were published by parliament for the first time on Thursday.

The allegations

That in December 1979 Murphy, then a high court judge, spoke to Donald Thomas who was a detective chief inspector of the commonwealth police in charge of the criminal investigation branch regarding a conspiracy prosecution relating to social security. Murphy extended an invitation to Thomas to meet Don Grimes, a Labor senator, who had strongly criticised the conduct of the case in parliament. He also then spoke to Thomas about the impeding formation of the Australian federal police and said “we need someone inside to tell us what is going on,” conveying to Thomas that the judge sought covert information from him. He also suggested that the judge would arrange for Thomas to get rank of assistant commissioner.

That in April 1980 and July 1981 Murphy had agreed with his close friend solicitor Morgan Ryan and others to make inquiries with a view to determining whether two AFP officers could be bribed or otherwise influenced. In a conversation between the judge and Ryan, Ryan asked: “Have you been able to find out about those two fellows who are doing the investigation?” Murphy replied in substance that the answer was: “Definitely no, they were both straight.”

That in November 1975 Danny Sankey had taken a private prosecution against Murphy and others for conspiracy. The judge is alleged to have agreed with Ryan and Abe Saffron that Saffron would arrange an approach to Sankey in order to persuade him to drop the prosecutions. It was alleged that Murphy knew, because Saffron was a well-known crime figure, that this would amount to an attempt to intimidate the witness.

That Murphy had given evidence during his trial in 1985 which had the effect of suggesting to the jury that chief magistrate Clarrie Briese had invented allegations about him. But the judge, through his counsel, had previously expressly disavowed that he would put an allegation of fabrication. This deprived Briese of the right of rebuttal or the ability to support his credibility, and was a serious breach of legal ethics.

That Murphy had given Clarrie Briese’s diaries to Pamela Whitty so they could be photocopied when he knew the judge in the case had ordered that they should be made available only to the legal advisers in the case. This allegation was not put to Murphy due to the wind up of the commission.

That in June 1985 during his trial before Justice Cantor, Murphy had given false testimony over his dealings with Justice Jim McClelland. Murphy told the court he had only approached McClelland after McClelland had spoken to Chief Judge Staunton, whereas the commission alleged he had approached McClelland earlier, for the purpose of getting McClelland to make an approach to the chief judge on behalf of Morgan Ryan.

That Murphy, while a judge, had approached then New South Wales premier Neville Wran to put Wadim Jegarow on the Ethnic Affairs commission.

That in March 1979 Murphy had urged or encouraged Ryan to cause harm to Sankey’s counsel, David Rofe.

That in March 1980 Murphy assisted Ryan in obtaining a meeting with Milton Morris, then a member of the NSW parliament. The purpose of the meeting was to threaten Morris with exposure over his involvement in an alleged tax-evasion scheme, so that Morris would intercede with the then opposition leader and get him to back off attacks on Ryan in Parliament over a his role in the Cessna-Milner drug case.

That Murphy in April 1980 had discussed with Ryan’s wife, Dorothy, a strategy to get a government member in the NSW parliament to vouch for Ryan and say that an inquiry had had Ryan “come up smelling like roses”. In fact no inquiry had been conducted, and the judge knew that Ryan had not been exonerated in relation to the immigration conspiracy. The commission alleged this amounted to misbehaviour because it involved making false statements.

That in January 1980 Murphy had tried to influence the award of a NSW government contract to remodel Central railway station, so it would go to interests associated with Abe Saffron. The commission said at the time Murphy knew Saffron was a person of ill-repute but had tried to assist him regardless.

That Murphy had agreed with Ryan he would make representations to then Wran, on behalf of a company associated with Abe Saffron in order to obtain a lease over Luna Park.

That Murphy had tried in April 1982 to get the chief judge of the district court to schedule an early trial for Morgan Ryan over the immigration charges.

That Murphy had in January 1982 had conversations with chief magistrate Clarrie Briese about the so called “Greek conspiracy case” which was being heard at the time. He described it as one of the greatest scandals in legal history and said it was “oppressive that 180 people could be charged with a single conspiracy.” He went on to say the magistrate hearing it would be a hero in the community if he dismissed it.

That Murphy deliberately understated and gave false evidence about the frequency of his contacts and the nature of his relationship with Ryan during his 1985 trial.

 

Dirty Girl: 

The State Sanctioned Murder of Brothel Madam Shirley Finn

                         

Mostly it only took a trumped up charge to ruin a reputation and silence a person, but sometimes the rat pack that ruled Perth in the 1970s would have to resort to murder.Not the back room, needle in the arm, overdose kind of murder that could so easily be written off, nor the disappearance altogether of troublemakers like anti-drugs campaigner, Donald Mackay and publisher, Juanita Nielsen on the east coast of Australia.Away from prying eyes in one of the remotest and richest cities on earth, there was no need to hide your crime. A public display, a theatrical performance, murder in the West was a bit of a joke.Dressed to impress in her finest ball gown, dripping with expensive jewellery and driving her limited edition luxury car, society madam Shirley Finn was invited to the busiest spot near town for a very special occasion - a kind of modern day public execution - her own murder.

They knew they wouldn't be caught. Their power reigned supreme.

https://books.google.ie/books/about/Dirty_Girl.html?id=wRgTrgEACAAJ&redir_esc=y&hl=en

About the author (2015)

Juliet Wills has worked for all major television networks in Australia during her twenty-five year career in the media, reporting nationally and internationally.As Executive Producer of Channel Nine's A Current Affair in Perth, the program won three major television awards in its first year. She has written for major newspapers and lectured in broadcast journalism at two universities.The mother of three, Juliet lives in Perth and now works in real estate.Her first book, The Diamond Dakota Mystery was published in 2006.

Bibliographic information

Title	Dirty Girl: The State Sanctioned Murder of Brothel Madam Shirley Finn
Author	Juliet Wills
Publisher	Alto Books, 2015
ISBN	1921526289, 9781921526282
Length	200 pages

Bribery, corruption and a Swiss bank account: the Lionel Murphy allegations

Kate McClymont, Michaela Whitbourn

http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/parliament-releases-lionel-murphy-papers-31-years-on-but-the-controversy-continues-20170914-gyhbz6.html

SEPTEMBER 14 2017

Controversial: Then High Court judge Lionel Murphy in January 1985.

More than 30 years after his death, sensational new allegations have been aired about former High Court judge Lionel Murphy including bribery, corruption, secret commissions via a Swiss bank account and perverting the course of justice.

The allegations, contained in documents released by Federal Parliament following the expiry of a 30-year secrecy provision, also include claims Murphy used the then NSW Premier Neville Wran to advance the business interests of crime boss Abe Saffron

Lionel Murphy and his wife, Ingrid, moments after he was found not guilty at his second trial

The documents record the investigations of an aborted 1986 parliamentary commission of inquiry into Murphy's fitness to remain as a judge of the nation's highest court.

The inquiry, which was headed by three judges and held behind closed doors from May to August 1986, was halted when it was revealed Murphy had terminal cancer. He died two months later, aged 64.

Bob Hawke, Gough Whitlam and Lionel Murphy in 1974.  

Murphy and his family had always maintained he was innocent of wrongdoing and supporters have long described the inquiry as a witch hunt.

His son Cameron, a barrister in Sydney, has described the release of the "never tested" allegations as "grossly unfair".

The papers reveal the inquiry examined 41 allegations against Murphy, a former attorney-general in the Whitlam government. Of those, 21 were rejected - including claims Murphy was "a member of a Soviet spy ring operating in Canberra".

Others, including his alleged Swiss bank holdings, the attempted bribery of a police officer, and his associations with Saffron including their dealings over the lease of Luna Park, remained unanswered

Documents released by Federal Parliament on Thursday show an alleged link between Lionel Murphy and a Swiss bank account.

The documents had not been verified when the inquiry was wound up

At the time of Murphy's death, 14 specific allegations had been sent by the commission to his lawyers and a 15th matter was about to be sent.

Murphy had already endured two earlier parliamentary inquiries and two criminal trials, stemming from sensational and illegal NSW Police phone bugging operations.

Those operations were later the subject of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Alleged Telephone Interceptions, conducted by Justice Donald Stewart.

At his first trial in 1985, the jury found Murphy guilty of attempting to pervert the course of justice by interfering in the trial of his "little mate", Sydney solicitor Morgan Ryan, over an immigration racket.

Murphy was sentenced to jail but successfully appealed and was acquitted after his second trial in April 1986.

Upon his acquittal, Murphy's determination to return to the High Court was greeted unenthusiastically by some of his fellow judges, who were rumoured to be threatening to boycott sitting with him.

Facing a potential judicial crisis, the Hawke government ordered a secret inquiry to examine fresh allegations of misconduct on Murphy's part.

According to the secret documents released by Parliament on Thursday, the head of the inquiry, Sir George Lush, notified Parliament in September 1986 that the aborted inquiry had made "no findings of fact" and had therefore "formed no conclusions or opinions whether any conduct of the Judge has been such as to amount to proved misbehaviour".

Some of the more serious allegations had been forwarded to the inquiry by the Stewart royal commission, which was triggered by explosive reports published in The Age in February 1984.

From 1976 to late 1983, the NSW Police had been running an illicit phone-tapping operation that targeted drug boss Robert Trimbole and underworld figures George Freeman and Saffron.

The transcripts of these conversations formed the basis of the reports in The Age.

Titled "Secret tapes of a judge", the transcripts suggested corruption in the highest echelons of society.

It was soon revealed that the conversations involved Murphy, then a High Court judge, Ryan and Saffron, one of the major organised crime figures of the day.

One of the royal commission's allegations, forwarded to the parliamentary inquiry, was that Murphy had offered a bribe to senior Australian Federal Police officer Don Thomas.

In December 1979, Thomas had lunched at a Korean restaurant with Murphy and Ryan, the solicitor.

During the course of the lunch, it was alleged that Murphy had said "we need somebody inside to tell us what was going on", meaning they wanted an insider to inform them about the activities of the Australian Federal Police.

In return, it was alleged that Thomas would be promoted to the rank of assistant commissioner.

The parliamentary inquiry said this conduct could amount to misbehaviour for attempting to bribe a Commonwealth officer or encouraging an officer to make unauthorised disclosures of official information.

A second allegation was that - between April 21, 1980, and July 23, 1981 - Murphy agreed to make inquiries to see whether the federal police officers, who were investigating his friend Ryan in relation to a Korean immigration racket, could be bribed.

According to transcripts of The Age tapes, Ryan had said: "Have you been able to find out about those two fellows who are doing the investigation; are they approachable?"

Murphy got back to him to report that they were both very straight.

In papers released on Thursday, the commission told Murphy's lawyers that this conduct could amount to judicial misbehaviour.

Of central interest to the inquiry was Murphy's alleged "long-standing association with Abe Saffron, a person of notoriously low repute".

The inquiry was investigating claims Murphy was involved in securing for Saffron the lease of Luna Park, a Sydney amusement park.

In early 1980, police phone taps suggested Saffron told Ryan he wanted to obtain a lease for Luna Park.

Ryan then called Murphy who said: "Leave it with me." Later, Murphy allegedly called Ryan to say he had spoken to "Neville", a reference to Wran, and he was going to try to make some arrangements for Saffron to get the lease.

In 1981, the state government granted a 30-year lease over Luna Park site to Harbourside Amusement Park Pty Ltd, a company linked to Saffron.

This was one of the allegations the commission intended to pursue when the inquiry was aborted, along with claims Murphy had made "representations" to influence the NSW government to award Saffron a contract to remodel Central Railway Station in Sydney.

It was also alleged that in about 1979 Murphy contacted Wran, at Ryan's instigation, to get Wadim (Bill) Jegarow appointed to the Ethnic Affairs Commission. Jegarow was appointed to the position.

Another allegation that was still being considered when the inquiry was terminated was a claim Murphy was given a parcel of shares in a Swiss bank account in 1975, and was also the joint holder of safety deposit boxes in Switzerland.

The shares were said to be worth up to $750,000.

Among the papers released was a July 1986 letter to the secretary of the Attorney-General's Department, which said Murphy and others were alleged to have received "secret commissions in respect of the large sums of money which were to be borrowed at the time of the so called 'Loans Affair'."

The Loans Affair, also known as the Khemlani Affair, involved allegations the Whitlam government sought to enter into an unconstitutional arrangement to borrow money from Middle Eastern countries.

The inquiry was wound up before it could be established whether the documents purporting to show Murphy's Swiss holdings were genuine.

The commission also sent Murphy's lawyers an allegation that the judge agreed with Ryan and Saffron that Saffron would "cause [Sydney lawyer Danny Sankey] ...to be improperly and unlawfully intimidated" into dropping private prosecutions he had initiated against Murphy, former Prime Minister Gough Whitlam, former deputy prime minister Jim Cairns and former Whitlam government minister Rex Connor over the Loans Affair. Ryan was acting for Cairns in the case.

The commission alleged that this could amount to an agreement to pervert the course of justice.

Three years later, in March 1979, Murphy was alleged to have urged Ryan to harm Sankey's counsel David Rofe, QC. This was allegedly payback for Rofe's role in the ultimately unsuccessful proceedings brought by Sankey.

The commission of inquiry outlined that this was possibly contempt of court and "constituted conduct contrary to accepted standards of judicial behaviour."

Another avenue explored by the commission was whether Murphy had lied at his first trial in 1985 by downplaying his association with Ryan.

Murphy's solicitor was provided with an extensive list of meetings and calls between Murphy and Ryan which allegedly refuted his testimony. Sensationally, the document suggested the judge and Ryan had been business associates during 1967-1975 and had been partners in a number of restaurants and clubs, including Saffron's Kings Cross nightclub, the Venus Room.

Murphy was also accused of "knowingly" giving false testimony when he swore that the only effort he made on Ryan's behalf was talking to District Court chief judge Jim Staunton in April 1982 to see if Staunton could arrange an earlier trial for Ryan. This conversation with Staunton, the parliamentary commission suggested, was an abuse of Murphy's office.

It was also alleged that Murphy had lied when giving evidence because he knew he had asked former Whitlam government minister and environment court chief judge, the late "Diamond" Jim McClelland, to speak to Staunton on behalf of Ryan, which Justice McClelland had done.

The documents reveal that Nick Cowdery, then a barrister involved in the prosecution of Murphy and later the NSW Director of Public Prosecutions, told the inquiry of allegations McClelland had told journalist Wendy Bacon that "Murphy had telephoned him a number of times asking him to intercede with Chief Judge Staunton on behalf of Morgan Ryan".

Cowdery also said that Kristen Williamson, the wife of playwright David, had been at a Christmas party in 1985 where McClelland, "apparently a little tired and unwell", discussed his evidence in the Murphy case and allegedly said: "There's nothing much I can do about it. I don't want to be shown to be a perjurer".

Rather than resolving unanswered questions about the nation's most infamous judicial scandal, the release of the long-awaited Murphy papers means the controversy lives on, 31 years after his death.

Lunacy of park ploy is revealed

The Daily Telegraph (Sydney) 15^th September 2017

Yanet Fifi-Yeomans

When gangster Abe Saffron wanted to take over Luna Park, he got his business partner, Morgan Ryan to ring none other than then-High Court judge Lionel Murphy.

“leave it with me,”  Murphy allegedly said – and sure enough, the Sydney  amusement park’s lease went to a company linked to the underworld developer, Abe Saffron.

How the judge pulled strings with the then- NSW premier Neville Wran to secure the lease for one of the Australia’s most notorious organised crime figure is detailed among 31-year old documents released yesterday in the Senate. It was early 1980, the year after a fatal fire destroyed the park’s Ghost Train, killing seven people. In 2007, Abe Saffron’s niece claimed the underworld figure Abe Saffron was responsible. She later withdrew the claim.

Originally the tenders for the new lease closed in late 1979. But in January 1980 the government announced allasix tenders had been unsatisfactory but that they were negotiating with one of them,the Grundy Organisation. There was evidence from Sergeant Pul Egge before a 1986 parliamentary commission of inquiry about phone intercepts i9n 1980 when Abe Saffron rang Morgan Ryan and said:  “ I want the lease.”  Morgan Ryan called Lionel Murphy.

The officer said Lionel Murphy then rand Morgan Ryan back and said he had spoken to “Neville”. In May 1981, the state government gave a 30-year  lease of Luna Park to Harbourside Amusement Park, an Abe Saffron “front” company.

https://www.pressreader.com/australia/the-daily-telegraph-sydney/20170915/281595240699251

Lunacy of park ploy is revealed

The Daily Telegraph (Sydney) 15^th September 2017

Yanet Fifi-Yeomans

When gangster Abe Saffron wanted to take over Luna Park, he got his business partner, Morgan Ryan to ring none other than then-High Court judge Lionel Murphy.

“leave it with me,”  Murphy allegedly said – and sure enough, the Sydney  amusement park’s lease went to a company linked to the underworld developer, Abe Saffron.

How the judge pulled strings with the then- NSW premier Neville Wran to secure the lease for one of the Australia’s most notorious organised crime figure is detailed among 31-year old documents released yesterday in the Senate. It was early 1980, the year after a fatal fire destroyed the park’s Ghost Train, killing seven people. In 2007, Abe Saffron’s niece claimed the underworld figure Abe Saffron was responsible. She later withdrew the claim.

Originally the tenders for the new lease closed in late 1979. But in January 1980 the government announced allasix tenders had been unsatisfactory but that they were negotiating with one of them,the Grundy Organisation. There was evidence from Sergeant Pul Egge before a 1986 parliamentary commission of inquiry about phone intercepts i9n 1980 when Abe Saffron rang Morgan Ryan and said:  “ I want the lease.”  Morgan Ryan called Lionel Murphy.

The officer said Lionel Murphy then rand Morgan Ryan back and said he had spoken to “Neville”. In May 1981, the state government gave a 30-year  lease of Luna Park to Harbourside Amusement Park, an Abe Saffron “front” company.

https://www.pressreader.com/australia/the-daily-telegraph-sydney/20170915/281595240699251

Sydney underworld figure Abe Saffron dies aged 86

http://www.abc.net.au/am/content/2006/s1742491.htm